ANC policy is threat to freedom

26 April 2007

Marian Tupy

Business Day

TOMORROW marks 13 years since SA’s first multiracial elections brought the African National Congress (ANC) to power. A country once on the brink of a civil war is now a stable multiparty democracy and one of Africa’s freest economies. Yet the ANC’s behaviour is increasingly intolerant towards political opposition, raising fears for SA’s political future. The end of apartheid was supposed to put an end to censorship. But as an internal inquiry revealed last year, ANC-aligned managers have banned a number of outspoken critics from appearing on the SABC. Among those silenced were Moeletsi Mbeki, President Thabo Mbeki’s own brother, who criticised some of the government’s race-based redistributionist economic policies, and Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo, who criticised Pretoria’s soft line on Robert Mugabe’s tyrannical rule in Zimbabwe.

The ANC has also tried to usurp power in Cape Town — the last major city remaining outside its control. Cape Town is run by mayor Helen Zille. A recipient of the United Nations’ Human Rights award, Zille is a woman of unimpeachable anti-apartheid credentials. But her membership in the Democratic Alliance makes her unpalatable to the ANC, which recently tried to replace Cape Town’s executive mayoral system with an executive committee on which the ANC would have had substantial representation.

The ANC is also contemplating legislative proposals that would put the justice minister in charge of court budgets. The judiciary perceives this, quite rightly, as an attack on its independence. Significantly, the proposals under consideration include a measure that would limit the courts’ power to suspend an act of Parliament that they deemed unconstitutional. George Bizos, a prominent lawyer who defended Nelson Mandela during the latter’s treason trial in 1963, likened the ANC’s proposals to events in the 1950s, when the all-white Parliament passed a law that allowed it to override unfavourable court rulings.

The culture of political correctness, actively encouraged by the ANC, stifles public debate over the direction of SA’s economic and social policies. Those who dare to criticise the government are often labelled as racists. That is troubling, because only in an atmosphere of openness, where different views and policy recommendations can be thrashed out without intimidation, can South African society hope to find the answers to pressing social problems such as crime, poverty, unemployment and the spread of infectious diseases.

Though the ANC continues to enjoy much of the international support it received in the days when it fought apartheid, its political tactics remain rooted in the Cold War. When the apartheid government cracked down on the ANC in the late 1960s, many of its top members went into exile. Some, including Mbeki, went to the Soviet Union and became members of the ANC’s sister organisation, the South African Communist Party (SACP).

While in exile, the ANC cadres were exposed to the rigid structure and antidemocratic nature of the global communist movement.

On his release from jail, Mandela undertook the difficult task of modernising his party’s outdated political and economic agenda. He helped cut the ANC’s close link with the SACP and shed much of its Marxist ideological baggage. Yet, despite Mandela’s opposition, the exiles were strong enough to push through Mbeki’s appointment as SA’s deputy president. As the ageing Mandela became increasingly detached from day-to-day politics, Mbeki’s appointment ensured that the ANC retained its Marxist party structure and its intolerance of political opposition.

It’s long past time to reassess the ANC’s democratic credentials. The party appears increasingly interested in little more than concentrating and maintaining power. Fortunately, it continues to draw much of its international standing and inner confidence from the accolades it has garnered since the days when it fought apartheid.

The ANC remains hypersensitive to criticism and, as Mbeki’s reversal of his earlier denial that HIV causes AIDS suggests, able to change course. Western diplomats, civil society groups and the business community should speak out against those policies that undermine the rule of law, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the media and the functioning of opposition parties in SA. Their criticism will only be effective, however, if it is loud and unambiguous.

?Tupy, a policy analyst at the Cato Institute’s Centre for Global Liberty and Prosperity, is author of the policy paper, Troubling Signs for South African Democracy under the ANC.

Balanced opposition

26 April 2007

Business Day

FOR all his frequently cited failings as an excessively combative and hectoring leader of the official opposition, outgoing Democratic Alliance (DA) leader Tony Leon has one card up his sleeve that not even his most vehement critics can trump — he leaves behind a far larger party than he inherited.

Electoral support for the DA (and its predecessor, the Democratic Party) in national polls has grown from less than 2% in 1994 to almost 10% in 1999 and more than 12% in 2004. And, while it is clearly a case of comparing apples with pears, the party attracted almost 15% of the overall vote in last year’s municipal elections, as well as managing to secure control of Cape Town as leader of a multiparty alliance.

Helped in equal measure by internecine strife among the leadership of the Western Cape African National Congress (ANC) that verges on political suicide, and a bracing dose of refreshingly transparent and pragmatic city governance under Cape Town mayor Helen Zille, the DA now controls 20 of the 30 Western Cape municipalities either directly or in alliance with other parties.

That gives party stalwarts justifiable hope that they could unseat the ANC in the next provincial election and secure a base for a renewed assault on an increasingly fractured governing alliance nationally, inspired by their new leader.

So much for the outlook for the party from an optimistic perspective. However, the way forward for the DA is not all sunshine and happy hunting with the hounds, since continuing to grow the party is set to become appreciably more difficult as it seeks to cast its net wider than its traditionally middle-class white, Indian and coloured constituency.

Much of the DA’s past growth is attributable to consolidation of the opposition, and specifically the cannibalisation of the New National Party (NNP), despite the failure of their attempted merger. Judging from the outcome of the municipal election, most former NNP supporters have not followed their leaders into the ANC but have opted mainly for the DA or Patricia de Lille’s Independent Democrats (ID).

Therein lies the nub of the challenge facing the DA’s new leader. Leon’s aggressive style pleased the NNP’s more conservative element but was an impediment to attracting more left-leaning, and particularly black, voters. All three of the candidates vying for the DA leadership are from the party’s less confrontational liberal wing, which should give it at least a fighting chance of winning over disenchanted ANC supporters in future. But, as recent divisions in the DA’s Western Cape region show, a marked change of leadership style and strategy risks unravelling much of what Leon achieved.

Zille, who is emerging as a clear leader in the race to succeed Leon next month, would need to keep former Nats such as DA provincial leader Theuns Botha on side to have a realistic prospect of taking the province, while also nudging the party to the left to keep growing, and nurturing the co-operative arrangement with competitors such as the ID that are helping keep the DA in power in many municipalities. She has already proved she can walk the talk, but can she walk the tightrope?

Guys you listen to Godzille's latest interview on news24 (see link below) and i was personally really moved by her statements. I have to say that i wish she really find a way to woe the votes of black people and women in SA and the DA could become a fantastic opposition and ultimately an alternative government to the current ANC dominance.

http://www.24.com/media/news/HelenZille_100k.htm

Thanks Kulani for the link.

Good interview. Not exactly hard-hitting, but you don't expect that from a 'Getting to Know You' piece.

I especially like her emphasis on the importance of losing in a democracy. She's absolutely correct that the truest test of a democracy occurs at power transfers when one party loses control to another.

anyone know where I could watch the Tokyo sexwale hardtalk interview ?
I couldn't find it on youtube and the BBC stream isnt working for me :ohno:

if mayor Hellen zille run for president do u think she will win?

if mayor Hellen zille run for president do u think she will win?

We are still a long way from seeing the opposition take over national government in SA. Helen Zille definitely represents a much needed change from the Democratic Alliance that was led by Tony Leon and may succeed in getting the crucial black vote her party needs if it has any hope of unseating the ANC from power. All this depends on how well she is going to change the DA to become a new home for black voters who are looking for an alternative from the ANC (and many are there for the picking if you know how to appeal to them).

So far she sounds (from the initial BBC Hard Talk interviews i have watched) like she may be onto something. But the DA today is a very complex party itself, which is also engaged in its own battles internally to find its soul especially after having absorbed a large chunk of disgruntled former National Party members who decided to join the DA after the dis-integration of the former apartheid ruling party. I expect that the DA will most likely win the next Western Cape provincial elections and perhaps go on to win more provinces in the near future before they can pose a real threat to the ANC at national level. So we may be looking at a battle that may last for over 15-20 years before we can see this happen. Perhaps a quicker way to power may be if the DA merge with the Zulu (25% of population) dominated IFP and also try to appeal to more women (52% of population).

thats cool....i hope South Africa can vote in a white president again ...and look past race and hope he/she does something better for south africa.

SA will never ever again have a white leader lets be realistic. And the DA will really struggle to make much of an advance under Zille altho I wish her well. She failed to get any black votes in the cape town mayor contest so why on earth will she do any better nationally?

Our best bet is to have Sexwale take over the ANC as he is a great man and I think far able to unite South Africa and tackle its problems than Zille. A situation with Sexwale as pres and Zille as leader of the opposition would be great for SA. I just hope it happens.

Zille on BBC's hardtalk

http://www.bbc.co.uk/newsa/n5ctrl/progs/07/hardtalk/zille17may.ram

http://www.zoopy.com/photo_image/1180342149.jpg

We are still a long way from seeing the opposition take over national government in SA. Helen Zille definitely represents a much needed change from the Democratic Alliance that was led by Tony Leon and may succeed in getting the crucial black vote her party needs if it has any hope of unseating the ANC from power. All this depends on how well she is going to change the DA to become a new home for black voters who are looking for an alternative from the ANC (and many are there for the picking if you know how to appeal to them).

So far she sounds (from the initial BBC Hard Talk interviews i have watched) like she may be onto something. But the DA today is a very complex party itself, which is also engaged in its own battles internally to find its soul especially after having absorbed a large chunk of disgruntled former National Party members who decided to join the DA after the dis-integration of the former apartheid ruling party. I expect that the DA will most likely win the next Western Cape provincial elections and perhaps go on to win more provinces in the near future before they can pose a real threat to the ANC at national level. So we may be looking at a battle that may last for over 15-20 years before we can see this happen. Perhaps a quicker way to power may be if the DA merge with the Zulu (25% of population) dominated IFP and also try to appeal to more women (52% of population).

The DA is cooperating with the IFP in KZN and the IFP last week took over the mayorship in Newcastle from the ANC with the cooperation of a multi-party coalition including the DA, which takes the deputy mayor's post, along with several smaller parties including the ID. So it is possible that the DA could become a junior partner with the IFP in the next provincial election in KZN as the ANC there is unpopular because of rampant corruption and the senseless name-changes while governance in the province has declined.

I agree with you that the DA will replace the ANC in the Western Cape in 2009, while the DA with the support of the ID and other independents could take the Northern Cape as well. Gauteng would be a tough one. The ANC has a firm hold elsewhere except it might lose it's grip on the Eastern Cape where there is party-infighting over the lack of delivery in that province which has seen demonstrations.

Helen Zille is realistic and has suggested it would take 10-15 years to break the ANC's tight hold on the country given the fact that it is the party of liberation and many people still support it because of that.

I don't have much contact with the Eastern Cape, but this is the first I've heard that the ANC could lose there. Wouldn't the party in-fighting more easily lead to a different ANC faction taking power rather than an actual ANC loss of power? After all, to the extent that the ANC has a home base, it's the Eastern Cape. It would take a defection by a very popular, very important ANC figure to split off enough votes to cost the ANC power in the EC, right? What's Bantu Holomisa doing these days? Does he have the strength to win 25% of the vote in the EC?

KZN is a tough one. The ANC have acted arrogently lately (blue lights and renaming come to mind instantly), and that might cost them. But I have a few questions.

1.) How solidly does the KZN white vote go to the DA?
2.) How does the Indian vote break at the provincial level? Does any party get a majority from that community?
3.) How many Zulu votes did the ANC 'take' from IFP in 2004?

We're talking about a fairly evenly divided province basedo on the '04 legislature results, so changes at the margins among any demographic group can be very important.

What about a coloured president or indian president in SA? or does have to be black president.

^^You asking for trouble if you want a coloured or an Indian to be president, we wouldnt hear the end of it.

SA is a complicated country.

KZN is a tough one. The ANC have acted arrogently lately (blue lights and renaming come to mind instantly), and that might cost them. But I have a few questions.

1.) How solidly does the KZN white vote go to the DA?
2.) How does the Indian vote break at the provincial level? Does any party get a majority from that community?
3.) How many Zulu votes did the ANC 'take' from IFP in 2004?

We're talking about a fairly evenly divided province basedo on the '04 legislature results, so changes at the margins among any demographic group can be very important.

2004 results:
http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=qw1082214360395B242

The African National Congress managed to clock up 46,98 percent of the votes in the hotly-contested province.

The Inkatha Freedom Party achieved 36,82 percent and its coalition partner, the Democratic Alliance, had 8,35 percent, while the IFP's other alliance partner, the Freedom Front Plus received 0,28 percent of the poll.

http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=vn20040415134749134C551405

KwaZulu-Natal's Indian community voted with their feet, staying away from the polls in unexpectedly large numbers.

Courted and feted by politicians of every description, the province's Indian voters were seen as kingmakers in the region. Their votes were seen as crucial in deciding who would run the province for the next five years if the test of political strength ended with the IFP and ANC fairly evenly balanced in the polls.

As the polls closed in Chatsworth and Phoenix yesterday, presiding officers throughout the area noted a large degree of voter apathy, with just 50 percent of voters registered to vote actually casting their ballots.

In three of the largest polling stations in the Chatsworth area, including Shallcross, Bottle-brush and Dawnridge, about 50 percent of voters on the roll had turned out to mark their ballots.


Lower voter turnout among Indians may have played some role. Overall turnout was lower in 2004 (77%) nationwide than in 1999 (89%). Since the ANC won a higher percentage of the vote on lower overall turnout, it seems ANC voters are more motivated to get to the polls than non-ANC voters and many DA or IFP supporters have become apathetic. What happens in the next round of elections will rely on the motivation of non-ANC supporters.

One can also assume that those who leave the country are also among the least likely people to vote ANC, so emigration depresses the opposition vote. If 1 million whites had not left between 1994 and 2004 it would be interesting to see how those additional voters would have tipped the balance in provinces like the Western Cape and KZN.

2004 results:
http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=qw1082214360395B242

The African National Congress managed to clock up 46,98 percent of the votes in the hotly-contested province.

The Inkatha Freedom Party achieved 36,82 percent and its coalition partner, the Democratic Alliance, had 8,35 percent, while the IFP's other alliance partner, the Freedom Front Plus received 0,28 percent of the poll.

http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=vn20040415134749134C551405

KwaZulu-Natal's Indian community voted with their feet, staying away from the polls in unexpectedly large numbers.

Courted and feted by politicians of every description, the province's Indian voters were seen as kingmakers in the region. Their votes were seen as crucial in deciding who would run the province for the next five years if the test of political strength ended with the IFP and ANC fairly evenly balanced in the polls.

As the polls closed in Chatsworth and Phoenix yesterday, presiding officers throughout the area noted a large degree of voter apathy, with just 50 percent of voters registered to vote actually casting their ballots.

In three of the largest polling stations in the Chatsworth area, including Shallcross, Bottle-brush and Dawnridge, about 50 percent of voters on the roll had turned out to mark their ballots.


Lower voter turnout among Indians may have played some role. Overall turnout was lower in 2004 (77%) nationwide than in 1999 (89%). Since the ANC won a higher percentage of the vote on lower overall turnout, it seems ANC voters are more motivated to get to the polls than non-ANC voters and many DA or IFP supporters have become apathetic. What happens in the next round of elections will rely on the motivation of non-ANC supporters.

One can also assume that those who leave the country are also among the least likely people to vote ANC, so emigration depresses the opposition vote. If 1 million whites had not left between 1994 and 2004 it would be interesting to see how those additional voters would have tipped the balance in provinces like the Western Cape and KZN.

There would be no impact on the Western Cape which actually saw the white population increase by 11,000 between the 1996 and 2001 Censuses while the country as a whole saw the white population decline by 180,000. In KZN on the otherhand the white population there declined by over 50,000 between 1996 and 2001 but the impact on the election would ne miniscule given that whites are only 5% of KZN's population compared to 18% in the Western Cape and 9% nationally.

2004 results:
http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=qw1082214360395B242

The African National Congress managed to clock up 46,98 percent of the votes in the hotly-contested province.

The Inkatha Freedom Party achieved 36,82 percent and its coalition partner, the Democratic Alliance, had 8,35 percent, while the IFP's other alliance partner, the Freedom Front Plus received 0,28 percent of the poll.

http://www.int.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=2902&art_id=vn20040415134749134C551405

KwaZulu-Natal's Indian community voted with their feet, staying away from the polls in unexpectedly large numbers.

Courted and feted by politicians of every description, the province's Indian voters were seen as kingmakers in the region. Their votes were seen as crucial in deciding who would run the province for the next five years if the test of political strength ended with the IFP and ANC fairly evenly balanced in the polls.

As the polls closed in Chatsworth and Phoenix yesterday, presiding officers throughout the area noted a large degree of voter apathy, with just 50 percent of voters registered to vote actually casting their ballots.

In three of the largest polling stations in the Chatsworth area, including Shallcross, Bottle-brush and Dawnridge, about 50 percent of voters on the roll had turned out to mark their ballots.


Lower voter turnout among Indians may have played some role. Overall turnout was lower in 2004 (77%) nationwide than in 1999 (89%). Since the ANC won a higher percentage of the vote on lower overall turnout, it seems ANC voters are more motivated to get to the polls than non-ANC voters and many DA or IFP supporters have become apathetic. What happens in the next round of elections will rely on the motivation of non-ANC supporters.

One can also assume that those who leave the country are also among the least likely people to vote ANC, so emigration depresses the opposition vote. If 1 million whites had not left between 1994 and 2004 it would be interesting to see how those additional voters would have tipped the balance in provinces like the Western Cape and KZN.

There would be no impact on the Western Cape which actually saw the white population increase by 11,000 between the 1996 and 2001 Censuses while the country as a whole saw the white population decline by 180,000. In KZN on the otherhand the white population there declined by over 50,000 between 1996 and 2001 but the impact on the election would be miniscule given that whites are only 5% of KZN's population compared to 18% in the Western Cape and 9% nationally.

The increase in the ANC's support would more likely be the result of the increasing black African population in both provinces over time and in the case of KZN the shift from rural areas to urban areas while other population groups such as whites and Indians remain stagnant. Athough it must be added that coloureds are the majority ethnic group in the Western Cape and are increasing in population just like black Africans but unlike blacks, coloureds are an independent voting block that increasingly is disaffected with the ANC and the majority now support the DA and ID.

Thanks for posting those articles, HirakataShi. I knew the 2004 KZN results in terms of percentages and legislature seats. But what I still don't know is how solidly did KZN's whites vote for the DA in 2004? (Every white I know claimed to vote DA, but that's hardly a representative sample.) I'm wonderig because, in such a finely balanced provinicial legislature, an ANC loss of even a few thousand white votes could help the opposition gain a seat. (Assuming that the ANC received even a few thousand white votes in 2004.)

Combine that with higher Indian turnout - assuming the additional Indian voters don't vote ANC.

So is it the consensus among our little group here that urbanisation among KZN blacks will inevitably help the ANC? Or is it possible that in 2004 many blacks were disenchanted with the IFP, voted ANC instead, but might ditch the ANC next time around?

It's a shame that more South Africans living abroad don't vote. I remember reading in 2004 that the IEC received just a few thousand requests from non-resident citizens who wished to vote abroad. Is that simply due to apathy? Or is it difficult to obtain an absentee ballot while abroad?

I dont think the ANC will lose the Eastern Cape untill hell freezes over. Ther eis just no alternative for blacks to vote for there and the minority groups are a tiny fraction of the population. As for KZN the ANC will probably hang on as the IFP base is being eroded and their share of the vote has been declining rapidly since 1994 and sadly the Indian vote stays at home in huge numbers and last time those that did vote often backed the ANC and ther eis no reason to see that changing (I dont thing name changes are enough)

The only province the ANC will lose is the western cape which looks certain to go DA/ID.

I dont think the ANC will lose the Eastern Cape untill hell freezes over. Ther eis just no alternative for blacks to vote for there and the minority groups are a tiny fraction of the population. As for KZN the ANC will probably hang on as the IFP base is being eroded and their share of the vote has been declining rapidly since 1994 and sadly the Indian vote stays at home in huge numbers and last time those that did vote often backed the ANC and ther eis no reason to see that changing (I dont thing name changes are enough)

The only province the ANC will lose is the western cape which looks certain to go DA/ID.

Mike, you might be right about KZN as the ethnic arithmatic there does not favor minorities (blacks are 84% of the population in KZN) and the IFP is limited to it's rural base. But KZN is the only province in SA where a significant number of blacks do not vote ANC so it is possible for the ID to go after these voters who are more independent and fickle especially in the peri-urban areas near major towns and cities. The ID might be a fresh appeal for Indian voters in KZN who have voted in succession for the NP, DA, MF and ANC in previous elections.

I dont think the ANC will lose the Eastern Cape untill hell freezes over. Ther eis just no alternative for blacks to vote for there and the minority groups are a tiny fraction of the population. As for KZN the ANC will probably hang on as the IFP base is being eroded and their share of the vote has been declining rapidly since 1994 and sadly the Indian vote stays at home in huge numbers and last time those that did vote often backed the ANC and ther eis no reason to see that changing (I dont thing name changes are enough)

The only province the ANC will lose is the western cape which looks certain to go DA/ID.

Mike, you might be right about KZN as the ethnic arithmatic there does not favor minorities (blacks are 84% of the population in KZN) and the IFP is limited to it's rural base. But KZN is the only province in SA where a significant number of blacks do not vote ANC so it is possible for the ID to go after these voters who are more independent and fickle especially in the peri-urban areas near major towns and cities. The ID might be a fresh appeal for Indian voters in KZN who have voted in succession for the NP, DA, MF and ANC in previous elections.

The Eastern Cape will remain firmly in ANC hands although I think that the ANC will see it's electoral position decline and the opposition can do better due to the lack of delivery in the Eastern Cape and the ANC's failure to get to grips with it.

Your dead on about the Western Cape which I think will be run by a DA/ID coalition like in Cape Town as the DA will most likely fall short of a 50% outright majority and will need the ID which will get 10-15% of the vote to keep the ANC from getting back into power there.

It is a question that deserves asking. Can a non-Xhosa become the President of South Africa? I think that Jacob Zuma will NOT become the President because he is Zulu. Personally, I have no problem at all with a Xhosa monopoly on the Presidency for a few decades, but I don't actually reside in South Africa. SO how do Saffies in South Africa feel about this issue?

It is a question that deserves asking. Can a non-Xhosa become the President of South Africa? I think that Jacob Zuma will NOT become the President because he is Zulu. Personally, I have no problem at all with a Xhosa monopoly on the Presidency for a few decades, but I don't actually reside in South Africa. SO how do Saffies in South Africa feel about this issue?

The ANC is an intertribal organisation so I do not see that only Xhosas can be president even though both Mandela and Mbeki are Xhosa. Only minority racial groups (whites, coloureds and Indians) would have a problem gaining the top position as it is unlikely that Finance Minister Trevor Manuel, who is coloured, or Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin, who is white, would ever get the top post of ANC President.

I think JZ's troubles have less to do with his tribe than with him. If he were a cleaner figure, he could be president. His popularity among the unions and leftists doesn't seem to be confined to KZN in particular, or Zulus. But his broader popularity will always be limited by his personal life and his feud with Mbeki.

I think JZ's troubles have less to do with his tribe than with him. If he were a cleaner figure, he could be president. His popularity among the unions and leftists doesn't seem to be confined to KZN in particular, or Zulus. But his broader popularity will always be limited by his personal life and his feud with Mbeki.

Jacob Zuma is a crook who stands little chance of getting the nomination by the ruling party. He's Mr. Corruption

thats cool....i hope South Africa can vote in a white president again ...and look past race and hope he/she does something better for south africa.

yeah I man wish they can look past race and vote for a white woman as well.

yeah I man wish they can look past race and vote for a white woman as well.

You must be referring to Helen Zille, Mayor of Cape Town and leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance. Even she thinks she has no chance anytime soon for the DA to take power in SA aside from the fact that race still dominates political allegiances in SA thereby assuring us the prospect of ANC rule in the many years to come.

The best she can do is to lead the DA to take over the Western Cape province in the 2009 election and possibly the Northern Cape along with control of more municipalities in the local government elections in 2011. Elsewhere in SA it does not seem possible certainly not at the national level.

The most the DA can probably get in terms of votes in 2009 is about 20% if the ANC can be pared down to 60% from it's current 70%.

The Independent Democrats led by Patricia de Lille and the Inkatha Freedom Party will each probably get 5-6% of the vote.

yeah I man wish they can look past race and vote for a white woman as well.

I think that Vice President Phumazile Ncguka-Mlambo, who is a woman, is most the likely candidate to become president of the ANC and by default of SA in 1999. She is intelligent, quite unlike Jacob Zuma, who is a loose cannon.

Jacob Zuma is a crook who stands little chance of getting the nomination by the ruling party. He's Mr. Corruption

Of course he is. But that's part of my point. His unsavoury behaviour only dents his popularity, it doesn't erase his popularity. Imagine how popular JZ would be if he were cleaner. (And, no, showering after sex doesn't make him clean. :lol: )

guys do you mean 2009 rather than 1999 or have SA politicians invented time travel?

I didnt want to get involved in the this thread, because politic's pisses me off, but this made me come in here to vent my feelings.

On Saturday 16th the ANC youth league leader FIKILE APRIL MBALULA gave a speech to thousands , he was talking about the country's university's & what surprised me is, that he labeled UKZN as the 'Bombay' os university's & continued to make bigotry comments regarding the indians on that campus.

Now this has caused a MAJOR uproaor in the community, Firstly such racist comments coming from the ANC youth league president, a person that could be our next leader, is unacceptable. He hasnt even got his facts right. In yesterdays newspaper, it clearly states the percentage of pupils by race, which of 53% of the students on UKZN being Black, 32% Indian & the Whites making up the rest of the percentage with the Coloured students.

He also went on to say that the Nelson Mandela Medical Colledge & UDW campus (also part of UKZN) tend to favour people of Indian & Whites & the more than half of the black pupils at the medical school fail. Now has he actualy seen the reason they fail? I know the reason, NM Medical colledge has a certain points criteria to meet before one can be granted a place in the school, mostly they only take students that obtain distinctions in all subjects in matric, if they have numbers to make up, then they take students with eg: 5 distinctions & a B, BUT if you are a black pupil, you can get in with any marks but as long as you have at least 1 distinction, ofcourse you had to have done the relevant subjects like Bio & that, but if you got 1 distinction & 5 D's they would accept you, but the indian/white person who has 4 distinctions & 2 B's may not be granted entry because of their colour, I have seen this happen, its been the paper's more than 1 time. Its even made the news on TV. But thats not my problem, my problem is with this guys comment of the colledge favouring students, doesnt he realise if these pupils cant meet the entry requirements for the colledge that they might struggle int he course itself? I mean it doesnt take a rocket scientist to figure it out.
Im not trying to start anything agains the black people here, I know matric marks are not a true reflection of the students capablitys all the time, I have also seen many students that got poor marks in matirc but excelled in University,/ Technicon & made it big in the working world, but the reason Im venting like a mad idiot is because this moron who supposed to be the leader of the youth of our nation go's around making dumbass comments like that?

Also let me remind you that this is the same guy that made the Youth league support Jacob Zuma. I think if the ruling party of this country has a leader like this for the youth league, they asking for major trouble in time to come, we have all sufferd in Aparthied, if guys like this come into power they could inforce the same type of stuff but in reverse order?

They are arranging a public debate about this matter & are going to
force MBALULA to make a public apology, they also called on the ANC to remove him from his post.

Durbsboi, i feel you on MBALULA's annoying tendencies of talking like a loose canon. I am GATVOL with this guy myself and trust me many people don't find this guy amusing any more.

He talks through his ass. I remember that early last year he had the nerves to tell one of our most respected elderly citizens, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to produce a record of his own sexual history when the Archbishop advised Jacob Zuma to withdraw from the succession battle following the rape allegations. Someone has to rein in this crazy guy.

I think that Vice President Phumazile Ncguka-Mlambo, who is a woman, is most the likely candidate to become president of the ANC and by default of SA in 1999. She is intelligent, quite unlike Jacob Zuma, who is a loose cannon.

She appears to be Mbeki's choice, but i don't think she has the political clout and thick skin required to win over the ANC factions. So its going to have to be one of the boys. My hope right now is that the anti-Zuma guys rally behind one candidate (i will take anyone but Zuma, whether its Tokyo Sexwale or Cyril Ramaphosa). On another note, i feel that Mbeki has completely failed in succession planning. This should not have come down to this. He likes playing his cards too close and being surrounded by yes men and this gave Zuma's faction a lot of time to score points and use Zuma's woes to strengthen their campaign without any challenger at all.

Durbsboi, i feel you on MBALULA's annoying tendencies of talking like a loose canon. I am GATVOL with this guy myself and trust me many people don't find this guy amusing any more.

He talks through his ass. I remember that early last year he had the nerves to tell one of our most respected elderly citizens, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to produce a record of his own sexual history when the Archbishop advised Jacob Zuma to withdraw from the succession battle following the rape allegations. Someone has to rein in this crazy guy.

lol, watch out Kulani, he is about to stir up more shit, because he suggested that in time to come the ANC must remove the Springbok & Protea as our national sporting symbols & he is going to replace it with something else.

DB, you're absolutely right. Mbalula is offensive - and frightening. Actually, what's even more frightening is that he's a prominent ally of JZ, and JZ is arguably the most popular politician in SA right now. Perhaps I'm being overly optimistic, but I hope his brand of Afronationalism isn't shared by most of JZ's supporters. If people such as Mbalula don't learn to hold their tongues, then they could end up inciting another Cato Manor.

To be honest, i see a change in the KZN vote come 2009, and i believe it is away from the ANC. All you have to do is speak to everyday people in durban from the townships and they are very anti alot of what is going on that moment. whether that makes them vote for another party or just stay at home is questionable tho

To be honest, i see a change in the KZN vote come 2009, and i believe it is away from the ANC. All you have to do is speak to everyday people in durban from the townships and they are very anti alot of what is going on that moment. whether that makes them vote for another party or just stay at home is questionable tho

That's because the ANC has done a dismal job of governing KZN under your divisive premier who like to spit fire at opponents even though he uses the blue lights as if he is above the law.

To be honest, i see a change in the KZN vote come 2009, and i believe it is away from the ANC. All you have to do is speak to everyday people in durban from the townships and they are very anti alot of what is going on that moment. whether that makes them vote for another party or just stay at home is questionable tho

You speak to everyday people in durban from the townships?

June 24, 2007 Edition 1

Lynnette Johns

A DA-led coalition is plotting to wrest control of the Western Cape from the ANC in the September floor-crossing window.

Weekend Argus can reveal today that the broad-based coalition, similar to that running the City of Cape Town, would include disgruntled members of the ANC.

Well-placed DA sources say the plan is the brainchild of DA leader and Cape Town mayor Helen Zille. They say individuals have already been approached with offers of becoming provincial ministers, the speaker, deputy speaker and committee chairperson.

But yesterday Zille denied any knowledge of the plan, saying the run-up to floor-crossing time was "ripest for rumours". "There will be secrecy, but cross-over time is always problematic and dreadful."

She added: "You can never count your chickens in a cross-over, never ever."

This year's two-week floor-crossing season opens on September 1. According to legislation a minimum of 10% of a party caucus is needed to cross over to another party.

If the coalition plans succeed, Premier Ebrahim Rasool and his cabinet will be ousted and the ANC will once again occupy the opposition seats in the provincial legislature.

Rasool is the first ANC premier in the Western Cape, a position he took when the ANC and NNP formed a government following the 2004 elections. In September 2005 the NNP dissolved and its members joined the ANC.

There are 42 seats in the provincial legislature. To govern, a ruling party or coalition needs at least 22. Currently the ANC holds the majority, with 24 seats.

The DA has 13 seats and the smaller parties - the ACDP, UIF and the ID - collectively have five.

If the DA is able to get the smaller parties on board, and attract an additional four disgruntled ANC members, it would have its magic 22.

A DA source says it has already secured three ANC members, and more have expressed an explicit interest.

The talk is that any members leaving the ANC will, for ideological reasons, look at forming a new party and not join the DA or any of the smaller parties.

Granville Abrahams, the Independent Electoral Commission's manager for electoral matters, said politicians have four months after the walk-over to form a new party.

But ANC spokesman Garth Strachan said it was "dubious" that the UIF would enter into a coalition with the DA, and all ANC members were committed to the organisation and would have no inclination to walk over.

"The ANC has a very good record. Very few people in the ANC have walked to opposition parties," he said.

Wheeling and dealing has been happening in utmost secrecy to protect the identities of the ANC politicians from their political masters.

Political parties can discipline their members, even expelling them, if they suspect they are negotiating to join another party, which would scupper the DA's deal.

But sources say members of other parties have been approached with offers of top jobs. According to a DA source the new Premier could be a cross-over ANC member.

A DA-led coalition is plotting to wrest control of the Western Cape from the ANC in the September floor-crossing window.

I doubt they will succeed in toppling Rasool as the ANC can keep it's members due to it's vast patronage resources and can reward floor-crossers with far more rewards due to it's access to the state while the DA only runs Cape Town and 17 Western Cape towns. In any event I think the DA plan, likely to be the work of provincial party leader Theuns Botha, would make the DA no better than the ANC when it took control of Cape Town through floor-crossing in 2002 with the support of the NNP sellouts. The DA would gain more if it waited until the 2009 election when it has a real chance to take power in the Western Cape than by this expedient plot that may even backfire. If the DA waits until 2009 then it would have the moral higher ground to demand an end to the corrupt practice of floor crossing, especially when it involves proportional representatives on a party list as opposed to affecting just a constituency-based system like municipal wards.

Film critical of Mbeki finally to be aired


Chris McGreal in Johannesburg
Wednesday June 27, 2007
Guardian Unlimited

A documentary critical of South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, is scheduled to be shown to the public tomorrow, more than a year after it was made and after twice being pulled from the state broadcaster amid accusations of political censorship.

The programme, which portrays Mr Mbeki as paranoid and vindictive, will be screened at an international film festival in Durban, coinciding with a conference of the ruling African National Congress overshadowed by a race for the party leadership.

Although Mr Mbeki opened the conference today with a denial that the leadership issue dominates the meeting, his centralising of power and controversial free market economic policies will undoubtedly overshadow the debates.

The documentary, commissioned and then canned by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) and seen by the Guardian, is critical of Mr Mbeki's style of leadership.

Allister Sparks, a former editor of the Rand Daily Mail who was interviewed for the programme, said he believes that the SABC management baulked at a sequence near the beginning of the film that shows Nelson Mandela speaking a decade ago as he handed the ANC leadership to Mr Mbeki who is sitting at his side.

Mr Mandela warns his successor against abusing power.

"There is a heavy responsibility for a leader elected unopposed. He may use that powerful position to settle scores with his detractors, to marginalise or get rid of them and surround themselves with yes-men and women," he said.

The documentary then goes on to build a picture of Mr Mbeki conducting himself in the manner Mr Mandela warned against. It describes how he centralised power and isolated himself from others in the party leadership.

The programme also reported on the purge of rivals, and the 2001 investigation of alleged plots to overthrow the president by some of the Mr Mbeki's principal ANC rivals, including the party's former general secretary, Cyril Ramaphosa, and Tokyo Sexwale, who is running to succeed the president.

Speaking at the ANC conference today, Mr Sexwale picked up on the theme. "There is a growing tendency to carry out dirty character assassinations and the dissemination of lies about other comrades. This has reached uncontrollable proportions," he said.

The SABC first declined to show the documentary a year ago and insisted on cuts, principally of a section that repeated unfounded rumours that Mr Mbeki was implicated in the murder by white rightwing extremists of the Communist party leader, Chris Hani, in 1993.

The revised programme was rescheduled for last month but then pulled again, because, the SABC said, "internal procedures were not followed".

Mr Mbeki's spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga, declined to comment on the content of the documentary but denied the presidency was involved in the decision not to show it. "It is absolutely the decision of the SABC to air or not to air the documentary and we have never interfered with it," he said.

Mr Sparks said the SABC told him it had declined to show the documentary because it was libellous. But he said he believes the broadcaster acted out of politically-motivated self-censorship because members of its board are mostly political appointments. "This leads to bias. There are members of the board with politically laden agendas," he said. "You can only conclude that this is a political decision. I think this was an act of self-censorship."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/southafrica/story/0,,2112861,00.html

You speak to everyday people in durban from the townships?

:hilarious

You speak to everyday people in durban from the townships?

Actually i do. I have even spent weekends living in Inanda