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Old May 13th, 2013, 07:16 PM   #121
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მიხეილ სააკაშვილი

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Old May 14th, 2013, 09:10 PM   #122
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Гиви Таргамадзе планирует обратиться в ЕСПЧ с иском против РФ

Бывший глава комитета по обороне и безопасности парламента Грузии Гиви Таргамадзе, объявленный в розыск службами России, намерен внести в Европейский суд по правам человека иск против правительства РФ за незаконное преследование.

В феврале Следственный комитет РФ сообщил, что Таргамадзе обвиняется в подготовке к организации массовых беспорядков в России наряду с несколькими российскими оппозиционерами. Спустя месяц в МВД РФ сообщили, что политик объявлен в международный розыск.

"Я внесу иск против российского правительства в Страсбургский суд за незаконное преследование… Это важный прецедент для тех людей, которые являются объектами политического преследования со стороны российских властей", - заявил Таргамадзе на пресс-конференции во вторник, 14 мая.

СК РФ ранее сообщил, что располагает уликами, которые подтверждают то, что Таргамадзе финансировал российскую оппозицию, и его причастность к организации массовых беспорядков на Болотной площади в Москве 6 мая 2012 года. Главная прокуратура Грузии в свою очередь заявляла, что не выдаст Таргамадзе России, так как это запрещает конституция страны.

http://newsgeorgia.ru/politics/20130514/215685612.html
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Old May 14th, 2013, 09:16 PM   #123
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Значит выходит что приказ из Запада намного важнее просьбы Патриарха.


Мэрия Тбилиси отказалась запрещать гей-парад

Мэрия Тбилиси проигнорировала просьбу католикоса-патриарха грузинской православной церкви Илии Второго, который требовал не допустить проведения в грузинской столице гей-парада. Об этом сообщает «Интерфакс».

Заявление патриарха на брифинге в мэрии зачитал епископ Бодбийский Яков. В нем утверждалось, что целью акции сексуальных меньшинств «является не решение проблемы этих людей, а спекуляция на этой теме». Также отмечалось, что большинство грузин усматривают в данной акции «нарушение своих прав, а также оскорбление традиций, веры и общепринятых правил мышления».

http://lenta.ru/news/2013/05/16/patriarh/

Last edited by Ariston; May 16th, 2013 at 04:21 PM.
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Old May 20th, 2013, 01:21 PM   #124
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Quote:
We blocked Russia’s attempt to recognize independence of Abkhazeti and Tskhinvali - Mikheil Saakashvili
20-05-2013
We practically made a miracle; we blocked Russia’s attempt to recognize independence of Abkhazeti and Tskhinvali. Mikheil Saakashvili made this statement while commenting on Vanuatu’s decision to abolish recognition of independence of Abkhazeti.
‘’Some may not even be aware of this country, but it has a vote in the United Nations. Russia needs many votes in order to legalize its occupation of our territories in the UN. That’s why it is using unimaginable diplomatic efforts of intimidation, persuasion and bribery around the world. However, we had great success in stopping this process in the last few years. In fact, we blocked this process entirely. We have worked on all continents ", said the President.
Mikheil Saakashvili called on the new government of Georgia to establish a fundamentally right position with regard to this issue.
"It's very dangerous to say that the World Bank ratings were a lie - it is dangerous for our non-recognition policy. In addition, if we blame Georgia of launching the August war and begin an investigation, it will strengthen the positions of Putin and Lavrov with regard to recognition of independence of Abkhazeti and South Ossetia’, the President noted.
According to the President’s Administration, Vanuatu abolished the decision on recognition of Abkhazeti’s independence.
Quote:
По информации администрации президента Грузии, Вануату упразднило решение о признании независимости Абхазии
20-05-2013
Вануату упразднило решение о признании государственной независимости Абхазии. Об этом говорится на официальной странице президента Грузии Михаила Саакашвили в Facebook.
В частности, на странице президента опубликовано фото, под которым размещено указанное сообщение.
Детали в связи с этим станут известны позднее. Как сообщили «ИнтерпрессНьюс» в администрации президента Грузии, в ближайшее время будет распространено соответствующее заявление.
http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/poli...akashvili.html

Last edited by Kokoity; May 20th, 2013 at 01:44 PM.
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Old May 21st, 2013, 11:23 AM   #125
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Quote:
Vanuatu withdraws its recognition of Abkhazia
20.05.13
State of Vanuatu has withdrawn its decision to recognize the independence of Georgia`s breakaway region of Abkhazia - country`s prime minister Moana Carcasses Kalosil has told Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili at their meeting recently. The Prime Minister admitted that there was a serious controversy over the recognition of Georgia`s region inside the government of their country, but at the recent session of the government its member nullified the recognition.
`A very serious diplomatic result has been achieved. Prime Minister of Vanuatu has confirmed a while ago, that they changed their decision to recognize Abkhazia and they now recognize the territorial integrity of Georgia and impose diplomatic ties with Georgia. For past 18 months, we did our best to make them change their previous decision. This is the first fact of Russia`s defeat on diplomatic arena and I hope that not the last one,` President said.
Quote:
ვანუატუმ აფხაზეთის აღიარება გააუქმა
20.05.13
ვანუატუმ აფხაზეთის დამოუკიდებელ სახელმწიფოდ აღიარების გადაწყვეტილება გააუქმა - ამის შესახებ ვანუატუს პრემიერ-მინისტრმა მიხეილ სააკაშვილთან შეხვედრაზე განაცხადა.
მოანა კარკასესის თქმით, ვანუატუს მთავრობაში სერიოზული უთანხმოება არსებობდა აღიარების საკითხთან დაკავშირებით და საბოლოოდ, მინისტრთა საბჭოს სხდომაზე ეს გადაწყვეტილება გაუქმებულად გამოცხადდა.
`სერიოზული დიპლომატიური შედეგი იქნა მიღწეული. ახლახან ვანუატუს პრემიერ-მინისტრმა დამიდასტურა თავისი გადაწყვეტილება, რომ მათ გადაიფიქრეს აფხაზეთის აღიარება და ისინი აღიარებენ საქართველოს ტერიტორიულ მთლიანობას და ამყარებენ დიპლომატიურ ურთიერთობას საქართველოსთან. ჩვენ ბოლო წელიწადნახევარი მცდელობა არ მოგვიკლია, რომ მათ ეს გადაწყვეტილება შეეცვალათ. ეს არის პირველი პრეცედენტი, როცა რუსეთმა დიპლომატიურ ფრონტზე განიცადა სერიოზული მარცხი და მე დარწმუნებული ვარ, რომ არა უკანასკნელი,`- განაცხადა პრეზიდენტმა.
http://rustavi2.com/news/news_textg....th=6&year=2013
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Old May 21st, 2013, 03:32 PM   #126
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В Грузии задержан по делу о коррупции экс-премьер и возможный кандидат в президенты от оппозиции Мерабишвили

Допрос двух соратников Михаила Саакашвили в краевой прокуратуре Имерети закончился их задержанием: экс-премьеру Вано Мерабишвили грозит арест, вместе с ним задержан бывший министр труда и нынешний губернатор Кахетии Зураб Чиаберашвили. Мерабишвили, генсек пропрезидентского "Единого национального движения", обвиняется в двух эпизодах коррупции, сообщает "Грузия Online".

Первый эпизод касается 2012 года и выплаты активистам 5,2 миллиона лари. Следствие считает, что сторонники Саакашвили были фиктивно наняты для учета безработных, хотя на самом деле занимались лишь агитацией. Мерабишвили и Чиаберашвили были вызваны накануне на допрос как раз по этому делу, к своему неудовольствию (Чиаберашвили в интервью изданию "Грузия Online" в понедельник жаловался, что его отвлекают от важных дел в пострадавшей от стихии Кахетии, тем более что ранее он уже давал показания).

Второй эпизод касается недвижимости экс-премьера, отмечает "Интерфакс". Фешенебельную дачу в селе Квариати Мерабишвили отобрал путем запугивания у ООО "Международная инвестиционная компания" и пользовался ей до 2013 года, считают следователи.

По этим эпизодам двум экс-министрам предъявлено обвинение, им грозит от семи до 12 лет лишения свободы.

http://newsru.com/world/21may2013/merabishvili.html
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Old May 30th, 2013, 10:56 AM   #127
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Quote:
Abkhazia, the Comfortable Conflict Zone
Thomas de Waal | May 28, 2013

A curious word comes to my mind, entering a conflict zone: tidy. Abkhazia looks tidy. The journey from the River Inguri to Sukhumi (as most of the world still calls the city, the Abkhaz insist on their traditional name Sukhum) follows a newly repaired road and takes little more than an hour. Construction is going on all over town. Shops are open and there are advertising hoardings on the street. Russian tourists stroll along the embankment enjoying the bright spring weather.

The neatness is relative, of course. The streets are still much too quiet. The major landmark in the center of the city remains the ruined hulk of the Soviet-era parliament building, destroyed in the final round of fighting between Georgians and Abkhaz in the war of 1992-3.

But the clean look reflects a political reality. People in Abkhazia feel comfortable with their current situation.

In August 2008, following the five-day war with Georgia over South Ossetia, Moscow recognized as independent Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which had broken away from Tbilisi’s rule in 1992-93. Russian recognition launched Abkhazia on a new trajectory, solving one set of problems while generating new ones. Chiefly, it relieved at a stroke the greatest anxiety of the Abkhaz—their feeling of insecurity about re-conquest by Tbilisi. As a result, the issue of what Georgia thinks or wants has perceptibly receded into the background, and the Abkhaz political scene is more parochial, focused on internal issues.

This more inward-looking Abkhazia, especially since the 2011 election of President Alexander Ankvab, also pushes back against Western countries that have traditionally supported Tbilisi. The Abkhaz government has threatened to stop access to foreign diplomats accredited in Tbilisi, on the ground that this implies recognition of Georgian sovereignty over Abkhazia. Some diplomats from home capitals are still allowed in—but diplomatic traffic into Abkhazia has slowed to a trickle. Some Europeans have proposed projects in Abkhazia under the EU’s strategy of “engagement without recognition,” but their proposals were rejected on the ground that they were offering merely a fraction of what Abkhazia gets from Russia.

One European diplomat described this approach as “self-isolation.” But as we sat on the Sukhum sea-front drinking coffee, Abkhazia’s de facto foreign minister, Vyacheslav Chirikba, robustly rejected the tag.

“How can you call a country which had more than seven million visitors last year isolated?” asked Chirikba. He said a steady stream of Russians and others were crossing Abkhazia’s northern border all the time to take advantage of Black Sea tourist resorts.

“And we are not ‘occupied’ either,” he added. “Where are the occupiers? I don’t see any,” he added, jokingly looking under the café table. In fact, the only Russian soldiers I saw in three days in Abkhazia were at the border crossing. Whatever Russian control there is over Abkhazia is administered with a light hand.

But no one can dispute Russia’s economic dominance. The International Crisis Group reported recently that a quarter of the budget comes from direct Russian transfers, and that’s separate from a massive Russian-funded infrastructure program for roads, schools, government buildings and agriculture. Also, Russia pays the pensions of Abkhazia’s retired.

The economy remains unhealthy, thanks in part to the government’s big Ottoman-style bureaucracy, much larger than a political entity of around 250,000 people can afford. “It’s hard being ‘on the needle,’” said Stanislav Lakoba, secretary of the national security council in Abkhazia, referring to the republic’s almost total dependence on Russian economic subsidies.

Lakoba, a widely respected historian, has had several run-ins with Russian parliamentarians determined to whitewash Russia’s nineteenth century oppression of the Abkhaz. Still, Lakoba is not keen on engaging with Europe via Georgia, although he says he would have welcomed it a few years ago. “That train has left,” he says.

Since Abkhazia is cut off from mainstream international politics, its internal discourse centers on issues the outside world barely recognizes. There is a fierce debate about whether Abkhaz passports should be extended to ethnic Georgian residents in Gali region in southeast Abkhazia. And I heard discussions about whether it would be beneficial for Georgia to recognize Abkhaz independence, or whether the emphasis should be on third countries doing so.

Moderates want to extend Abkhaz passports and seek Georgian recognition of their independence. They see the twenty thousand Georgians who have taken Abkhaz passports as a sign of the success of the Abkhaz state-building project—a pursuit of the “standards before status” strategy adopted with Kosovo. Conservatives would deny citizenship to ethnic Georgians and reject all engagement with Tbilisi. Lakoba argues, for example, that giving Abkhaz passports to Gali Georgians who may also secretly be holding Georgian passports “explodes” Abkhazia.

Such controversies get no hearing in Georgia. Tbilisi does not recognize Abkhaz passports as legitimate (although it does sometimes accept them as identification for everyday transactions across the border). And recognition for Abkhazia is not on the agenda: the very small number of Georgians who have raised the issue say it is theoretically feasible only with the return of more than two hundred thousand internally displaced persons.In Tbilisi, Georgia’s sovereignty over Abkhazia and the right of return of Georgian IDPs are taken as given. The big issue is whether to amend (not even annul) the Law on Occupied Territories, whether to allow the Abkhaz more access to the outside world in the name of engagement. Georgia now has its most progressive government team dealing with the two breakaway territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. A minister named Paata Zakareishvili, who has two decades of experience in working with Abkhaz and Ossetians in the nongovernmental sector, holds this portfolio.

The previous government, led by Mikheil Saakashvili’s United National Movement, had re-cast the conflicts as purely Georgian-Russian disputes, downplaying the local origins of them in the late 1980s and early 1990s and the role extreme Georgian nationalism had played in triggering them.

Despite an “engagement strategy” that read well on the page, the focus continued to be on calling the two territories “occupied” and keeping them isolated from the world. Saakashvili personally vetoed a proposal to allow three Abkhaz students to study in Brussels.

Since taking office last October, the new government has worked to reverse such practices. “Saakashvili was always looking for an opportunity to say no to Abkhaz and South Ossetians,” said Zakareishvili. “We are looking for reasons to say yes—while always taking into account of course the state interest of Georgia.”

The results have been small but significant. Covert Georgian military units operating on Abkhaz soil have been disbanded. There is more commercial traffic across the Inguri, and two new crossing points were opened last week (although there is a fear that the border will be tightened ahead of next year’s Sochi Olympics). The two sides are finally working together properly on the important issue of the missing, both the dead from the war and the living who are detained. Yet, all new initiatives taken by the new government on the conflicts are criticized by the opposition United National Movement as a capitulation to Russian interests.

Everyone understands that Abkhazia is a protracted conflict: the irresistible force of Russian protection collides with the immovable object of widespread international recognition that Georgia holds sovereignty over the republic.

Zakareishvili acknowledges he is in a long-term game. “Sooner or later they will understand that they need alternatives in Georgia and Europe,” he told me.

Given this, a game-changing move is needed. The only possibility I can see is to rebuild the broken railway line around the Black Sea connecting Sochi, Abkhazia, western Georgia and Armenia. If the railway were to be rebuilt, the benefits would be massive to the whole region. The new Tbilisi government floated the idea last fall, but it met resistance from Azerbaijan and the Georgian opposition and received only lukewarm support in Russia and Abkhazia.

It is striking how many people are either resisting or failing to support a big regional project that could reconnect broken parts of the region. It illustrates how everyone has grown comfortable with a status quo that is still producing long-term discomfort to Abkhaz, Georgians and others.

Thomas de Waal is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
http://nationalinterest.org/commenta...ne-8520?page=1

I have a question: Where are the 7 Million tourists???

Photo from August 2012

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Old May 30th, 2013, 09:50 PM   #128
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Quote:
We will get back territories - Bidzina Ivanishvili
30-05-2013
We will get back territories, Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili said on Kavkasia TV in response to one of the viewers’ question, which criticized the new government for ‘soft rhetoric’ with Russia. ‘Did we concede anything to Russia. We have nothing to concede and we are not going to concede anything. As for the rhetoric, what did we get from the rhetoric of the previous government? The National Movement is creating hysteria now that we are going to give anything to Russia as we started diplomatic talking with the country. We’ll show you; we’ll get back the territories. Wait for a few years and we will restore everything’, Ivanishvili said.
He also talked about other issues, including the necessity for economic development in the country, medical state in prisons, etc.
http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/poli...anishvili.html
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Old June 4th, 2013, 08:22 PM   #129
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Bidzina Ivanishvili – Separatist Territories May be Destructive for Russia’s State
04-06-2013
Separatist territories may be destructive for the Russian state, the Prime Minister of Georgia said in interview with PalitraTV program “Resume”. Ivanishvili said that what is going on from Russia towards Georgia, and that large part of Georgian territories is occupied, doesn’t benefit the Russian government and Russian state.
“It is a big problem to Russia. I think that they analyze this and they have to make conclusions. We must do everything at least not to hinder this process. Such separatist territories may be destructive for the Russian state, for its internal and foreign security”, the Prime Minister said.
He said that he doesn’t belittle Russia’s role as an aggressor.
“Of course Russia carried out aggression against our country and no matter how Saakashvili and his government acted, nobody must think that this aggression is justified, what it did against our country. I don’t refer to that. I mean the actions of our own country and the government, we must demand more from them. I understand, it was hard for the previous government, and the government of its predecessors also had problems with Russia, but we received the worst due to Saakashvili’s actions. It’s possible that this still would take place, but it’s not right to humiliate your opponent with hysterical and emotional expressions”, Bidzina Ivanishvili said.
He said that new government of Georgia made the simplest, rudimentary thing - stopped the hate speech, started diplomatic activity.
As for the moving the occupation line, he says that he wants to think that it is a misunderstanding and not the strategy of the central government.
“The whole world was on its feet, very acute statements were made, it is not worth such a big scandal for such a large country, the pressure it will have from the international commonwealth”, he added.
http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/poli...ias-state.html
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Old June 11th, 2013, 12:11 AM   #130
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Quote:
Russia buying Pacific support for Abkhazia 'a worry' - Australia
7 June 2013
Australia has expressed concern to Russia about buying support from Pacific Island nations for the break away region of Georgia by offering aid funds in exchange for diplomatic recognition of Abkhazia.


Russia buying Pacific support for Abkhazia "a worry" - Australia (Credit: ABC)
A Senate estimates committee in Canberra has been told that two Pacific nations have recognised Abkhazia on the promise of funding and Vanuatu recently withdrew its recognition after the Carcasses government came to power.

Lachlan Strahan, the acting first assistant secretary, Pacific division in the Department of Foreign Affairs told the committee Russia actions were "a worry."

Speaker: Lachlan Strahan, Australian Department of Foreign Affairs
http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/int...tralia/1142392
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Old June 28th, 2013, 04:03 PM   #131
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Georgia faces the results of visa-free entry requirements
By Messenger Staff
Friday, June 28
More and more people in the capital and through the country are expressing their concerns towards Georgia's visa-free regime. With the slogan of developing tourism, the former government lifted visa requirements for 114 different countries. Eventually this resulted in the arrival of many people not only from European countries, but from other continents as well. A lot of people from Asian and African countries started moving to Georgia in search of various opportunities. According to Ministry of Internal Affairs' statistics around 4.5 million people entered Georgia in 2012. Out of this only 754,000 were officially registered as transit. Georgia established mutual-visa free regimes with Azerbaijan, Armenia, Ukraine, Belarus and several other countries. A strange situation is occurring in Georgia, as Georgians are leaving the country in search of jobs, while foreigners are entering the country looking for jobs. Georgian officials have started discussing this subject and it seems likely that government officials will be forced to reconsider some aspects of the country's visa-free regime.
http://www.messenger.com.ge/issues/2..._econ_one.html
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Old July 6th, 2013, 03:48 PM   #132
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BBC- საქართველოს "ღია კარის" პოლიტიკა მკაცრდება
06-07-2013
"საქართველოს "ღია კარის" პოლიტიკა მკაცრდება", - ამ სათაურით აქვეყნებს ბრიტანული BBC მარია ხოსე დელ ვალეს სტატიას საქართველოზე. როგორც სტატიის ავტორი აღნიშნავს, 2003 წელს "ვარდების რევოლუციის" შემდეგ, საქართველოს სათავეში მოსულ ლიდერებს ქაოტური, კორუფციული და დაშლილი ქვეყანა ერგოთ მემკვიდრეობით, რაზეც მათი საპასუხო რეაქცია მთელი სისტემის შერყევა იყო, თუმცა ზოგიერთი მოულოდნელი ცვლილებებიც გატარდა.
"ქვეყნის ახალმა ლიდერშიფმა, რომელსაც ამერიკაში განათლებამიღებული მიხეილ სააკაშვილი ჩაუდგა სათავეში, წარსულისთვის ბოლოს მოღება, საქართველოს დასავლეთთან ინტეგრაცია და ქვეყნის კარის უცხოელებისთვის გაღება დაისახა მიზნად", - წერს მარია ხოსე დელ ვალე და საქართველოს ყოფილი პრემიერ-მინისტრის ნიკა გილაურის სიტყვებს ციტირებს, რომელიც BBC-სთან საუბრისას აცხადებს, რომ იმისათვის, რომ საქართველო რეგიონული ცენტრი გამხდარიყო, მაშინდელმა ხელისუფლებამ ლიბერალური ეკონომიკური პოლიტიკის გატარება გადაწყვიტა და, პირველ რიგში, ამისთვის თავისუფალი სავიზო პოლიტიკა მიიღო - უცხოელებისთვის საქართველოში ჩამოსვლა და ინვესტირება გაამარტივა.
"შედეგად ქვეყანაში უცხოელების შემოდინება დაიწყო როგორც მეზობელი თურქეთიდან, ირანიდან და ეგვიპტიდან, ისე შორეული – ინდოეთიედან და ჩინეთიდან. საქართველოს ღია კარის პოლიტიკამ ასევე შეუწყო ხელი ბიზნესის ზოგიერთი სფეროს განვითარებას, მათ შორის კლინიკების გახსნას, რომლებიც წყვილებს სუროგატი დედებით ემსახურება", - აღნიშნავს სტატიის ავტორი და ერთ-ერთი ადგილობრივი ქართული კლინიკის New Life Global Network-ის თანადამფუძნებლის მარიამ კუკუნაშვილის სიტყვებს ციტირებს, რომელიც აცხადებს, რომ ამერიკელ, კანადელ, ესპანელ და იტალიელ წყვილებს საქართველოში ჩამოსვლა უადვილდებათ, რადგან ქვეყანაში შემოსავლელად ვიზა არ სჭირდებათ. მისივე თქმით, ბოლო ხუთი წლის განმავლობაში ამ სერვისით სარგებლობის მსურველ უცხოელთა რიცხვი 10-ჯერ გაიზარდა.
როგორც სტატიის ავტორი აღნიშნავს, ზოგიერთ ნაბიჯს მოულოდნელი შედეგებიც მოჰყვა და მაგალითად ბათუმი მოჰყავს, სადაც უცხოელები - ძირითადად თურქები, ირანელები და აზერბაიჯანელები ადგილობრივ კაზინოებს სტუმრობენ, ვინაიდან აზარტული თამაშები მათ ქვეყანაში აკრძალულია.
როგორც სტატიაშია ნათქვამი, ამ ყველაფერს გვერდითი მოვლენებიც აქვს – ქვეყანაში პროსტიტუციამ იმატა. სტატიის ავტორი ერთ-ერთი არასამთავრობო ორგანიზაციის აღმასრულებელი დირექტორის, ნათია ხარატის კომენტარს ციტირებს, რომელიც აცხადებს, რომ ადრე სექს-მუშაკების რაოდენობა მხოლოდ ზაფხულის
განმავლობაში მატულობდა, ახლა კი მათი რიცხვი მთელი წლის განმავლობაშია გაზრდილი და ისინი ძირითადად, ქართველები და ცენტრალური აზიის მოქალაქეები არიან.
"შორეული ქვეყნიდან ჩამოსული ზოგიერთი მუშა კი მინდვრების დასამუშავებლად მოდის და კაშკაშა ბათუმიდან შორს, ახალ სამგორში სახლდება. პანჯაბელი ფერმერები მთელ დღეებს მიწის დამუშავებაში ატარებენ", - წერს მარია ხოსე დელ ვალე.
როგორც სტატიაშია აღნიშნული, საქართველოში 2 ათასამდე ინდოელი ფერმერია, რომელთაც აქ მიწები და საკუთარი ტექნიკა შეიძინეს, სეზონის პიკზე კი 20-25 მუშას ქირაობენ.
"ინდოეთთან შედარებით, აქ მიწები ძალიან იაფია, ნიადაგი კი ძალიან ნოყიერი, კარგი კლიმატი და კარგი ხალხია. ამიტომ კიდევ გვინდა მიწების შეძენა და აქ დარჩენა", - ციტირებს სტატიის ავტორი საქართველოში დასახლებული პანჯაბელი ფერმერების კომენტარს.
თუმცა, როგორც სტატიის ავტორი აღნიშნავს, ინდოელების ჩამოსახლებით საქართველოში ყველა არ არის ბედნიერი და წინა ხელისუფლებას უცხოელებზე მიწების მიყიდვის გამო აკრიტიკებს.
"საქართველოს ახალმა ხელისუფლებამ, მილიარდერი ბიზნესმენის ბიძინა ივანიშვილის ხელმძღვანელობით, უკვე დაიწყო წესების გამკაცრება ისევე, როგორც მთლიანი შიდა პროდუქტის მატება და უცხოური ინვესტიციების კლება", - წერს მარია ხოსე დელ ვალე.
სტატიის ავტორი ასევე აღნიშნავს, რომ იმ დროს, როცა ხელისუფლებამ ბაზარზე და დასავლეთზე ორიენტირებულობა გამოაცხადა, საქართველოს იუსტიციის მინისტრმა თეა წულუკიანმა ლიბერალური სავიზო რეჟიმის გადახედვა გამოაცხადა.
"ამ ეტაპზე ეს სისტემა ქაოტურია. გვინდა, ევროკავშირის რეგულაციებს მივუახლოვდეთ", - ციტირებს სტატიის ავტორი თეა წულუკიანის კომენტარს.
სტატიაში ასევე ნათქვამია, რომ საქართველომ 1 ივლისიდან უკვე გააუქმა ირანთან თავისუფალი სავიზო რეჟიმი.
"შესაძლოა, უცხოელებისთვის დაწესებული შეზღუდვები ინდოელ ფერმერებსაც შეეხოთ. საქართველოს პარლამენტმა ასევე მიიღო კანონი, რომელიც 2014 წლის ბოლომდე შეზღუდვებს აწესებს მიწების მიყიდვაზე უცხოეთის მოქალაქეებისთვის", - წერს მარია ხოსე დელ ვალე და ნიკა გილაურის სიტყვებს ციტირებს, რომელიც აცხადებს, რომ ეს არ არის კარგი იდეა.
"რაც უფრო მეტი მუშა-მოსამსახურე შემოვა ქვეყანაში, მით მეტ კაპიტალს, მეტ ნოუ-ჰაუს მოიტანს. ქვეყნისთვის ცუდი არ არის, იყოს დამსაქმებელთა ცენტრი", - ციტირებს სტატიის ავტორი ნიკა გილაურის კომენტარს.
Quote:
BBC - Georgia’s ‘open doors’ policy begins to tighten
06-07-2013
BBC has published an article with the title Georgia’s ‘open doors’ policy begins to tighten. According to the article, ‘when the leaders of Georgia's 2003 Rose revolution found themselves in charge , they inherited a country that was chaotic, corrupt and broke, writes journalist Maria Jose del Valle. Their answer was to shake up the whole system, but that also threw up some unexpected changes.
Determined to break with the past, the new leadership, led by US-educated president Mikheil Saakashvili, set its sights on integrating Georgia with the West and opening up the country to outsiders.
"In order to become a regional hub we decided to pursue liberal (economic) policies," Nikoloz Gilauri, one of the fathers of Georgia's post revolution economic reforms and a former prime minister, told the BBC.
One of the key elements of that policy, Mr Gilauri says, was to adopt an open visa policy, making it easier to come to Georgia and either invest in or start a business. But the government also slashed red tape, cut taxes and got rid of 85% of regulations for permits and licenses.
Foreigners have flocked to the country. Many have come from near neighbours Turkey, Iran and Egypt. More still more have come from further afield including farmers from India and property developers from China.
The results are there to see in the casinos of the balmy resort of Batumi to the thriving tomato and water melon farms in the provinces.
Georgia's open door policy also fostered a range of niche businesses. Among these are the clinics catering to couples from around the work in touch with surrogate mothers.
We used to have a high number of sex workers during the summer but now it is all year long”
"We have couples coming from the US, Canada, Spain, Italy," says Mariam Kukunashvili, co- founder of one such clinic, New Life Global Network.
"For them it is very convenient to come here because they don't need any visa and paperwork is extremely easy to do."
The company says that the number of foreigners seeking its services has grown more than 10-fold over the last five years and easily outnumbers its domestic clients. Part of the reason for this increase may also be the price, just over a third of the typical cost in the US.
These reforms have helped Georgia climb up the World Bank's ease of doing business rankings. It currently holds ninth spot, above Ireland and Estonia, among others, two nations often associated with business-friendly regimes.
Georgia has also enjoyed GDP growth rates of around 10% per year between 2005 and 2008 while the number of registered companies rose dramatically from 36,000 in 2005 to 51,000 in 2007.
But there have been some unexpected consequences too.
Take Batumi. The jasmine-scented Black Sea resort has certainly been spruced up. A mafia clan that ran it as its own fiefdom has been banished and the place is now a regional holiday resort where fountains dance and children play in the boulevard.
We came here because land is very cheap compared to India and the quality of the soil is very high”
It also brims with Turks, Azeris and Iranians - all citizens of neighbouring countries where gambling is banned - spending money at the roulette and poker tables.
But one side-effect, says Natia Kharati, executive director of a reproductive health NGO, is that prostitution is soaring.
"We used to have a high number of sex workers during the summer but now it is all year long," says Kharati who adds that while "most of them" are from Georgia some also come from Central Asia.
Other workers from afar have come to work in the fields. Some 400 km (240 miles) away from the glittering lights of Batumi, in the outskirts of tiny Akhal Samgori, Punjabi farmers Michel Bishnai and Kuldeep Singh are out hard at work most days.
Amid the crumbling remains of heavy industry factories from the Soviet era, the pair grow tonnes of tomatoes, potatoes and watermelons.
They ares among an estimated 2,000 Indian farmers who have established themselves in Georgia over the last few years. They epitomize the ambitions of those who venture far to start from scratch and how their presence can help Georgia.
They bought all their own agricultural machinery with them and say in the peak season they hire 20-25 workers.
"We came here because land is very cheap compared to India and the quality of the soil is very high. The climate is good and people are helpful, Mr Singh says, adding: "We would like to buy more hectares of land and stay here."
But not everyone is happy with the Indian farmers buying land.
"The new government of billionaire businessman Bidzina Ivanishvili has already started to tighten up the rules just as GDP growth and foreign investment are slowing down.
While it has vowed to stay market-focused and western-orientated, Minister of Justice Tea Tsulukiani has announced a review of the liberal visa regime.
"The system right now is a bit chaotic," she told the BBC. "We want it to be closer to EU regulations."
Already though, on 1 July Georgia unilaterally revoked the visa-free rules with Iran.
This won't hurt foreign investment, according to Irina Guruli, at Tbilisi's Economic Policy Research Center as Iran contributes less than 1%.
However, she adds: "Iran is one of Georgia's top 20 export partners. Therefore, negative impact associated with visa restrictions might come through trade channels."
Indian farmers, may also affected by the new restrictions towards foreigners. Georgia's parliament passed a new law in June to suspend the sale of agricultural land to foreign citizens until the end of 2014.
Former Prime Minister Nikoloz Gilauri is not convinced this is a good idea.
"We believe that more workers coming to the country, to the economy, will end up in good things. It brings capital, it brings know how, it brings everything. It is not bad for a country to be a hub for employment’’, the article says.
http://www.interpressnews.ge/ge/poli...mkacrdeba.html
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Old August 15th, 2013, 11:04 PM   #133
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The Russian Dream

Five years ago in August, the process, which started in 1988 with the slogan “Topple the rotten Russian Empire” and finished with the occupation of Georgia’s historical territories, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, came to a logical point. No matter how much people talk now about the reasons for starting the August War of 2008, one fact is certain: during the last 25 years everything developed according to the doctrine that the Georgian National Movement defined back during the times of Perestroyka – an uncompromised fight for NATO, Europe and liberty.

In August 2008 nothing new or extraordinary happened in the history of “common-faith” nations. “Common faith” has been the key term in Russia-Georgia relations for the last period. This is why it would not be bad to look through the history that preceded the August War.

This is the brief chronology of the Russian occupation: In 1801 Russia occupied two of the biggest regions of Georgia – Kartli and Kakheti; in 1810 – Imereti; in 1811 – it abolished the autocephaly of the Georgian Orthodox Church; in 1828 it occupied Guria, in 1857 – Svaneti; in 1864 – Abkhazia. The occupation process ended in 1867 with Samegrelo.

In 1921 the Bolsheviks carried out a renewed occupation of Georgia. In 1992-93 ethnic cleansing took place in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In 2008, the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia happened.

During the recent 2008 occupation Russia brought 35,000 soldiers to Georgia. Over the course of five days, Russian fighter jets carried out over 400 attacks on 36 targets. On August 9, 120 attacks were carried out. In the morning of August 9 twenty-eight Russian bombardiers attacked Georgian positions simultaneously. Moscow also used SS-21 Tochka and SS-26 Iskander missiles.

A quick overview of the numbers is enough to conclude that there is no sense saying the attack of August 7 should not have started, that “Georgia should not have reacted to the provocation” and so on. In the frames of the path that unfolded with regard to Russia and Georgia since 1988 – the August 2008 results were absolutely inevitable!

MP of the Russian Duma KonstantineZatulin once said this incredible phrase: “Ambition is the only enemy of Georgia.” And it is true. The tragedy of 2008 was first of all caused by the fact that the decision-making part of Georgian society did not want to comply with the status quo that developed as a result of 1988-1993 years; i.e. the fact that 250,000 ethnic Georgians were ousted from Abkhazia and South Ossetia and the territories were occupied by Russia under the peace process format.

This “resistance” process was logically ended in August of 2008. When one of the sides stubbornly did not consider its actual abilities and did not comply with the reality, the other side forces it to accept even worse. This is what happened to Georgia.

For the last 25 years, Georgia not only created political problems for Russia, but also problems that put Russia as a state and Russia as a country under question. To put it in Tbilisi slang, for the last 25 years Georgia has created so much headache for Russian that on August 12, 2008, it blocked the Gori part of the highway and started in the direction of Tbilisi.

However, the Russians did not continue the march down the highway located 40 km from Tbilisi: the tank colon stopped. It stopped and settled with the grabbed territories. Today everyone in the Kremlin agrees that by stopping the march of tanks, Russia created a new reality in the South Caucasus but not the reality that can bring it a new geopolitical change.

The main ideologist of the Kremlin, the leader of the Eurasian movement, Alexander Dugin, speaks about the post-August war dilemma. He actually admits that in August 2008 the main geopolitical question was left unanswered. “Despite the results of 2008, the main thing is for us to define with regard to Georgia what we should do in order not to have US bases there. This goal can be reached through becoming close to Georgia, but not at the expense of recognizing South Ossetia and Abkhazia. This is excluded. However, we have not yet defined what we are offering Georgia in exchange for US bases,” Dugin told Georgian counterparts during the recent TV interview he held a month ago.

When the Kremlin will find the golden middle for relations with Georgia is hard to predict. Nevertheless, one conclusion can be made right now. Russia will always try to keep independent Georgia as weak, as poor and as unstable as possible.

It remains to be seen in the future how much Georgia will approach this Russian Dream.

By Zaza Jgharkava
8.08.2013
http://www.georgiatoday.ge/article_details.php?id=11376
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Old August 16th, 2013, 10:31 AM   #134
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‘Is Moscow Building Another Berlin Wall?’ - Eurasianet
16-08-2013
‘Is Moscow Building Another Berlin Wall?’ - Eurasianet Eurasianet has published an article with the title ‘Is Moscow Building Another Berlin Wall?’. The author of the article talks about a man living in the village of Ditsi in the beginning of the article. ‘Whenever Ilya Beruashvili hears his dog bark, he knows the Russians are at the gate.
For the past five years, Beruashvili, 53, who lives on the outskirts of the Georgian village of Ditsi, has watched from his windows as Russian soldiers stationed in the neighboring separatist territory of South Ossetia have patrolled the fields he used to farm.
They are coming ever closer. A few months ago, soldiers started building a fence just a stone’s throw from his shed, a structure that will leave Beruashvili’s house and fields outside of Georgian jurisdiction and inside Russian-guarded, breakaway South Ossetia.
Under the terms of the 2008 cease-fire agreement between Georgia and Russia, the area, just a few kilometers east of the South Ossetian capital, Tskhinvali, lies in territory where Russian troops should not be. But that hasn’t stopped the Russians from building a barrier there.
Zigzagging through 15 Georgian villages, the 27-kilometer-long fence has divided families and cut people off from their livelihoods, separating farmers from their fields and orchards. It cuts off access to cemeteries and water supplies for ethnic Georgians, as well as health services and pensions for some ethnic Ossetian families.
In Ditsi, the fence is made of green plastic material. In other villages, like Khurvaleti, a tiny farming hamlet about 69 kilometers west from the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, it is barbed wire.
Wherever it stretches, it stands as a reminder of Russia’s failure to abide by the terms of the 2008 cease-fire – and of the inability of Tbilisi and the international community to hold Moscow to account.
The structure, though, is nothing new. In 2010, Beruashvili recounted, Russian troops tried to set up markers to extend South Ossetia’s frontier into his front yard. He was able to keep them out then – allegedly, by yelling at them that they were frightening his mother.
Russian soldiers first started putting up fences in this area, in the Georgian region of Shida Kartli, after the August 8-12, 2008 war, according to Ann Vaessen, a spokesperson for the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM), the lone international body observing the cease-fire line.
But despite protests by Tbilisi, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United States that the fences constituted a violation of international law, construction is continuing.
The process has even “intensified” over the past several months, Vaessen said.
“Villages are divided, people can’t talk to each other anymore, can’t go and visit their relatives. They can’t go to the funeral of one of their close relatives,” she said.
For Hans Schneider, the German chief of the EUMM’s field office in Gori, the closest Georgian-controlled town to the conflict zone, the structure brings to mind the Berlin Wall, which divided the German city from 1961-1989.
“I saw my mother crying when she received a letter from my sister living on the other side of the barbed wire,” Schneider said, speaking in a personal capacity not intended to reflect the EUMM’s official position. “I know that we cannot completely compare the situation with Georgia. But I have seen so many mixed ethnic Ossetians and Georgian families where the mother is crying for their daughter too.”
Locals like Beruashvili see the wall as a clear restriction on freedom of movement. “They have already gated the high road. … Now they have turned back and moved in this direction and it seems they want these houses as well,” he said of houses on the outskirts of Ditsi.
Kakhaber Kemoklidze, the head of the Analytical Department at the Ministry of Interior Affairs in Tbilisi, told EurasiaNet.org that the Georgian government has repeatedly raised the topic of Russia’s fence during peace talks in Geneva and monthly meetings with Russian and South-Ossetian envoys. So far, the Kremlin has been impervious to Georgian efforts to bring about a halt in construction.
“We have to keep updating our partners and every country that has relations with Russia,” Kemoklidze said. “Russia right now does not care about the borders [between separatist South Ossetia and Tbilisi-controlled territory], but next week, next month, next year there might be an issue that they need [a] compromise on.”
In the end, he said, Georgia has to have “strategic patience.” Yet, to date, “strategic patience” has not produced any tangible benefits.
Insisting that the fence runs inside South-Ossetian territory, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Grigory Karasin has refused to address the issue at Geneva. Georgian State Minister of Reintegration Paata Zakareishvili, the head of Tbilisi’s efforts to normalize relations with the Abkhaz and the South Ossetians, admits that the Geneva process has hit a snag.
Zakareishvili claimed that while Tbilisi has demonstrated its readiness for constructive dialogue with Moscow, the fences show that Russia is not ready to respond in kind. “But we will step over those fences,” he said, without elaboration. “The Berlin Wall was destroyed, so, fences … that is just comical.”
Georgia, he added, is betting on patience and “pragmatically looking at the situation.”
Locals living near the conflict line, however, have little reason for patience. Since the war, security concerns have prompted Beruashvili to move his three children out of his house. Alone with his mother, he tends to the few acres of orchards he can reach without risking arrest by the Russians. He waits for Georgian police to patrol the area before venturing to see his father’s grave, or to gather greens, close to land now patrolled regularly by Russian soldiers.
“The women are afraid, the elderly are afraid, we cannot bring the children here,” Beruashvili said. Russian soldiers have become more verbally aggressive of late, he claimed. “They want to take this territory,” he added.
Beruashvili, like scores of other locals, remains determined to make a stand and do everything he can to prevent his house and land from becoming, de facto, part of Russian-guarded, separatist South Ossetia. “I have set my mind to not allowing them in,” he said.
Whether such determination can succeed where international measures have failed remains to be seen’, says the article.
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Old August 27th, 2013, 06:04 AM   #135
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The Irish Times - Five years on, breakaway regions find orientation towards Moscow a mixed blessing
26-08-2013
The Irish Times - Five years on, breakaway regions find orientation towards Moscow a mixed blessing “Five years on, breakaway regions find orientation towards Moscow a mixed blessing”, it is the title of Daniel McLaughlin’s article published in the Irish newspaper, The Irish Times.
As the author of the article states, “Tbilisi’s official territory stretches on for another 50km or more, but a network of trenches and razor wire – not to mention observation posts manned by Russian soldiers – make it impossible to go further. Two flags fly together at the checkpoint down the road: the red, white and blue of Russia alongside the red, white and yellow of South Ossetia, a region of Georgia which, five years ago today, the Kremlin recognised as a sovereign state.
The anniversary finds the province still living in limbo however, having swapped a limited form of de-facto independence from Georgia for total dependence on Russia.
Moscow not only defends South Ossetia’s disputed border and provides most of its services – including the mobile phone network – but serves as its sole trading partner, investor and supplier of aid. This tiny region is not a priority for the other four, very distant, nations that recognise its independence: Venezuela, Nicaragua, Nauru andTuvalu.
Russia recognised South Ossetia’s sovereignty just weeks after thwarting Tbilisi’s apparent attempt to reclaim it.
The five-day war and its aftermath put Moscow at loggerheads with Georgia’s US and EU friends, but demonstrated Russian dominance of its post-Soviet “backyard”, blocked Tbilisi’s push for Nato membership, and served as an apt response to western recognition of Kosovo’s independence six months earlier, which the Kremlin fiercely opposed.

Pricey protectorate
But Russia is losing patience with its small but expensive ward. Moscow has ploughed more than €750 million into South Ossetia since 2008, but much has been stolen or wasted, and war damage and crumbling infrastructure still blight the region.
Two developments last week highlighted the problems facing South Ossetia and, by extension, Russia: the failure of old pipes cut off water supply to the local capital, Tskhinvali; and president Leonid Tibilov announced that arrest warrants had been issued for nine former local officials, including ex-ministers, for stealing money from reconstruction projects.
Tbilisi lost control of South Ossetia after a 1991-1992 war, and the province limped along, without any international recognition of its independence declaration, until the 2008 conflict. But while there is no desire among its 30,000 or so residents to return to Georgian rule, South Ossetians admit they hoped for more after Russia formally acknowledged their sovereignty.
“Today, I see all the elements of national psychological depression – people do not believe in themselves, have no confidence in their society, their leaders or their country,” Irina Gagloyeva, a former spokeswoman for the South Ossetian government, told a Russian newspaper this month. “Life goes on by inertia, with no activity. Perhaps this is due to the fact that the economy is not developing – we are seeing complete economic stagnation.”
The future is still foggy for this self-declared statelet, smaller than Co Tipperary, in the southern foothills of the Caucasus mountains. It is not even clear whether South Ossetians really want independence, or would rather unite with relatives in the Russian republic of North Ossetia, on the other side of the Caucasus”.
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Old September 27th, 2013, 12:28 PM   #136
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Former Soviet states stand up to Russia. Will the U.S.? – The Washington Post
27-09-2013
Former Soviet states stand up to Russia. Will the U.S.? – The Washington Post The Washington Post has published an article with the title ‘’Former Soviet states stand up to Russia. Will the U.S.?’’ the author of the article is Carl Gershman, the president of the National Endowment for Democracy.
‘’Russian President Vladimir Putin has had some success recently using his support for the Assad regime in Syria to strengthen Moscow’s position in the Middle East. But his progress on this front is much less important than Moscow’s growing troubles in its “near abroad,” as it refers to the strategically vital area to its immediate west.
In a replay of the classic East-West rivalry of the Cold War, but with the United States conspicuously on the sidelines, Russia has used economic and security threats to draw post-communist countries into its Eurasian Customs Union and to block the European Union’s Eastern Partnership initiative, which seeks the reform and possible eventual integration of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine into E.U. structures. Russian pressures have escalated with the approach of a November summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, at which several of the countries could sign association or free-trade agreements with the E.U.
So far only Armenia has buckled under Russian pressure, agreeing to join the customs union after Moscow, which guarantees Armenia’s security against neighboring Azerbaijan, signed contracts to provide Azerbaijan with $4 billion worth of military hardware.
Elsewhere, Moscow’s bullying has backfired.Russia has banned Moldovan wine,threatened to cut off gas supplies to that republic and warned that the people of itsRussian-occupied separatist enclave of Transnistria would resist any agreement with the E.U. But Moldova remains committed to initialing a free-trade agreement with the European Union in Vilnius, and it has responded to the threat of an energy boycott by quickly agreeing withRomania to build a pipeline linking the two countries.
Georgia, for years the target of Russian boycotts and security threats, is ruled byPrime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili, who was rumored to be less anti-Russian than outgoing President Mikheil Saakashvili. Yet Georgia, too, is about to initial a free-trade agreement in Vilnius, signaling that European integration is a national aspiration, not the choice of any particular party.
Ukraine is the biggest prize, and there Russia’s bullying has been particularly counter-productive. In addition to the usual economic threats and trade sanctions, including a ban on the import of Ukrainian chocolates, Putin offended Ukrainians during a state visit in July, saying that they and the Russians were a “single people,” and that the Ukranians had flourished under Soviet rule — totally ignoring the famine of the early 1930s that Ukrainians call the Holodomor, or “extermination by hunger.”
In an Independence Day speech at the end of August, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych called association with the European Union “an important stimulus for forming a modern European state.” In short order, Ukraine’s parliament passed reforms required by the E.U. dealing with such issues as corruption, tariffs and prisons; and the daughter of Yulia Tymoshenko, the imprisoned former prime minister whose release the E.U. has insisted on, has said that she hopes her mother’s freedom might be imminent.
The Russian online newspaper Gazeta.ru said recently that “Blackmail is the worst possible way of advertising economic cooperation.” But Russia’s problem is more than tactical. Its post-communist neighbors prefer the relative dynamism of Europe — with all its debt and growth problems — to Russia’s stagnant economy, and they have no interest in sharply raising tariffs, which joining the protectionist Eurasian Customs Union would require.
The process playing out in Europe has attracted little attention in the U.S. media or from the Obama administration, which has been mostly preoccupied with the Middle East and its pivot to Asia. But the opportunities are considerable, and there are important ways Washington could help.
The United States needs to engage with the governments and with civil society in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova to ensure that the reform process underway not only promotes greater trade and development but also produces governments that are less corrupt and more accountable to their societies. An association agreement with the European Union should be seen not as an end in itself but as a starting point that makes possible deeper reforms and more genuine democracy.
Russian democracy also can benefit from this process. Ukraine’s choice to join Europe will accelerate the demise of the ideology of Russian imperialism that Putin represents. There are signs of the emergence of a new Russian nationalism: the strong performance by opposition leader Alexei Navalny in Moscow’s recent mayoral election and polls that show greater opposition to Putin in the Russian provinces, his traditional support base. This nationalism is concerned not with the restoration of Russia’s imperial greatness, which would be inconceivable if Ukraine joined Europe, but with fighting corruption and addressing the severe economic and social problems of the Russian people.
Russians, too, face a choice, and Putin may find himself on the losing end not just in the near abroad but within Russia itself’’, the article says.
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Old October 12th, 2013, 09:39 AM   #137
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Посол Ермухамет Ертысбаев: Никто и никогда не отдаст свой суверенитет
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В Казахстане звучат требования выйти из Таможенного союза и Единого экономического пространства. Между тем в Грузии продолжают обсуждать неожиданное заявление премьер-министра Иванишвили о гипотетической возможности присоединения к Евразийскому союзу. Плюсы и минусы интеграционных процессов. Где проходит грань между экономическим развитием постсоветских государств и политическими амбициями Москвы? Об этом – в эксклюзивном интервью КазТАГ с первым чрезвычайным и полномочным послом Казахстана в Грузии Ермухаметом Ертысбаевым.

- Чем обусловлено требование казахстанской оппозиции провести референдум по вопросу о выходе из экономического блока с Россией и Беларусью, и насколько масштабный характер имеет эта инициатива?

- В отличие от Грузии, в Казахстане всегда была очень слабая оппозиция, и говорить о масштабной кампании – это большое преувеличение. Ряд общественных деятелей, представители гражданского сектора распространили обращение к властям с призывом отказаться от вступления в Евразийский экономический союз. Какой главный мотив? Главной причиной сами организаторы называют «имперские амбиции Кремля» – что, дескать, «под маской экономической интеграции прячутся имперские амбиции Москвы».

- Вы не согласны с этим?

- Не согласен. Американский доллар является главной мировой валютой, но я не слышу об «американских амбициях». Китай – главная промышленная мастерская всего мира, но я не слышу о «китайских амбициях». Германия занимает ведущее место в Евросоюзе, но я не слышу о «немецких амбициях». Россия – видя, что в мире происходят интеграционные процессы – вместе с Казахстаном Беларусью учреждает ТС, и сразу же начинают твердить о «кремлевских амбициях».

Почему? Потому что двадцать два года назад мы все входили в состав Советского Союза. Думаю, что глобальные игроки – наши конкуренты – используют этот исторический факт на мировых рынках для «черного пиара», намеренно искажая реальное положение дел. Особо хочу подчеркнуть, что после распада СССР уже никто и никогда не отдаст свой государственно-политический суверенитет. Президент Казахстана Назарбаев ясно и твердо сказал, что если объединение будет угрожать суверенитету, то мы выйдем из такого объединения. Мы стоим только на позициях Экономического союза.

Политика любого государства определяется его географией. Группа государств, близких по истории, территории, формам мысли, экономическим и родственным связям, стремится получить от этого очевидного ресурса наибольшую эффективность, наибольшую выгоду. Вот главная пружина инновационного проекта под названием Евразийское экономическое пространство.

Через призму исторической ретроспективы нападки и подозрения в сторону Кремля были и будут: существовала царская Российская Империя, был сталинско-брежневский Советский Союз – то есть, та же империя…

Инициаторы референдума по выходу Казахстана из ТС постоянно напоминают об этом. Их у нас называют национал-патриотами. Думаю, что они искренне переживают за свою Родину. Но искренние переживания и эмоции – это не аргумент в серьезной политике. Знаете, та старушка, подбросившая вязанку хвороста в костер, на котором сожгли Яна Гуса, тоже действовала искренне. Я видел в Тбилиси надпись на одном постаменте: «Грузия для грузин!». Думаю, что автор тоже действовал искренне. Но людям нужен конкретный результат. И каким бы ты националистом ни был, каким бы ты патриотом ни был, но если падает уровень жизни, растет безработица, сокращаются поступления в бюджет, то такая политика терпит крах, народ перестанет ее поддерживать.

Сейчас формируется совершенно новая архитектура мировой экономики. Глобальный кризис заставляет даже крупные и богатые державы искать новые модели стратегического развития, приведшие к резкой активизации ряда стран по созданию региональных интеграционных объединений. Как этого можно не видеть и не понимать?! Удивительно, на дворе ХХI век, а некоторые политики мыслят категориями раннего средневековья.

Пятьсот лет назад Николло Маккиавелли говорил: «Сохраняй свое государство, опасайся другого, кто становится сильным, а также бойся объединения с более сильным государством, ибо этим ты навлечешь на себя погибель». Я бы назвал всех противников интеграционных объединений «неомаккиавелистами». Если следовать порочным и безнравственным советам Маккиавелли, то всем странам нужно замкнуться в своей национальной скорлупе.

- Какую пользу принесло Казахстану членство в ТС и ЕЭП, и какие недостатки Вы видите в работе этих структур?

- С 1 января 2012 года стартовало Единое экономическое пространство трех стран. Результаты – впечатляющие. Только за девять месяцев прошлого года на 40 миллиардов долларов увеличился совокупный товарооборот Беларуси, Казахстана и России. Функционирование единой таможенной территории создало единый рынок товаров, в рамках которого отсутствуют тарифные и нетарифные барьеры. По расчетам экспертов, суммарный интеграционный эффект, измеряемый дополнительным производством ВВП, к 2015 году составит 400 миллиардов долларов США.

То есть, за этот период государства-участники ТС получат за счет интеграционного фактора дополнительно около 15% ВВП. В докладе Европейского банка реконструкции и развития формирование ТС и ЕЭП названы примером первой успешной региональной интеграции на постсоветском пространстве.

- В чем преимущества Таможенного союза?

- Это, прежде всего, единая таможенная территория. Во взаимной торговле товарами собственного производства и товарами из третьих стран не применяются таможенные пошлины и ограничения экономического характера. На границах между тремя странами грузы стали передвигаться более активно, так как не нужно заполнять таможенные декларации и платить сборы на товары, произведенные внутри ТС. Сократились издержки предприятий и время, которое ранее затрачивалось на очереди на границах и заполнение деклараций – импортные товары из других стран, прошедшие таможенное оформление на внешней границе ТС, свободно перемещаются внутри единой таможенной территории. Отменены ограничения на перемещение внутри ТС иностранной валюты. Увеличился объем взаимных инвестиций, увеличился объем таможенных пошлин в бюджет Казахстана. Только за первый год сразу на 37%! Короче, свободное движение товаров, услуг, капиталов и трудовых ресурсов – вот что такое ТС.

- Неужели нет минусов?

- Почему же? Есть и трудности. Некоторые политики считали, что если для Казахстана откроется 153-миллионный рынок, то это автоматически приведет к резкому увеличению сбыта казахстанских товаров, бешеному росту занятости и загрузки промышленных мощностей. При этом забыли, что есть такое понятие, как конкурентоспособность. Другие убеждены, что главное – конкуренция между белорусскими, казахстанскими и российскими товаропроизводителями внутри ТС. Объем внешней торговли государств ТС с третьими странами составил в 2012 году 939,3 миллиарда долларов США, но доля Казахстана в ТС составляет чуть меньше 17%. В 2011 году этот показатель составлял 20%. Отчасти это объясняется еще и товарной интервенцией европейских, азиатских и американских компаний.

Понимаете, на мировых рынках везде идет острая конкуренция, идет борьба за рынки сбыта. В структуре экспорта Казахстана, по-прежнему, преобладает сырье. У нас сейчас активно внедряется индустриально-инновационная программа, рассчитанная до 2020 года, и в плане товаропроизводства Казахстан, мягко говоря, видимо, не совсем был подготовлен к такой конкуренции.

Кроме того, в Евразийской экономической комиссии часто констатируют факты недобросовестной конкуренции, установления искусственных барьеров во взаимной торговле. Только сейчас стали осознавать, что перспективным направлением сотрудничества в ТС является промышленная кооперация в виде создания совместных предприятий и сборочных производств, а также расширения действующих и реализации новых совместных проектов в таких сферах, как сельское хозяйство, строительство, транспорт и логистика, нефтехимия, коммуникации и высокие технологии.

Между тем для открытия совместных производств в Казахстане имеются привлекательные экономические условия – налоговые льготы для инвесторов, более низкие тарифы на энергоносители, а также общий деловой климат. Надо работать. Надо активно прибегать к кооперации в сфере транзита и логистики по использованию транзитного коридора Казахстана. Промышленная кооперация в рамках трех государств будет способствовать созданию высококонкурентной продукции внутри ТС и ее продвижению на рынки трех стран.

Недавно состоялся казахстанско-грузинский деловой форум, на котором казахстанские бизнесмены продемонстрировали такую продукцию. Считаю, что не стоит из-за временных трудностей стенать и посыпать голову пеплом – надо максимально реализовывать конкурентные преимущества каждой из стран, не пытаясь дублировать мощности и отрасли.

- В Тбилиси этот вопрос обычно рассматривают так: или Европа, или Евразия. Может ли Грузия участвовать в интеграционных процессах на постсоветском пространстве, учитывая конфликт с Россией?

- И старое правительство Саакашивили, и новое правительство Иванишвили заявили о своем главном векторе – Евросоюз. Это ваш выбор. Но вы должны понимать и предвидеть будущие трудности и сложности, которые неизбежно возникнут. И то, что у вас тоже есть свои «национал-патриоты», которые со временем потребуют выхода Грузии из Евросоюза, если вы туда вступите. Я не исключаю такого развития событий.

В прошлом году я был в Чехии, Венгрии и в Польше. Разговаривал с местными предпринимателями. Все поголовно не хотят тесного сближения с Западной Европой, не желают внедрения евро. Часто разговариваю с простыми грузинами. Они так говорят: Америка далеко, а Россия – вот за этим хребтом!

Убежден, что Грузия может быть вполне конкурентоспособной на рынке ТС со своей специфической и известной во всем мире продукцией. Но это пока из области фантастики. Слишком много негатива накопилось в грузино-российских отношениях, и это печально. Тем не менее, я считаю, что определенное потепление наметилось. Очень надеюсь и жду, что, в конце концов, дипломатические отношения будут восстановлены. Нужен нормальный переговорный процесс.

- Одно из главных опасений Тбилиси связано с накопленным опытом невыполнения соглашений Москвой. Не лучше ли для Грузии продолжать постсоветскую интеграцию на двусторонней основе?

- Да, конечно, надо работать со странами-партнерами на двусторонней основе. Скажем, казахстанско-грузинские отношения общеизвестны, и у нас не было никаких коллизий негативного характера. Но меня беспокоит тенденция снижения товарооборота между Казахстаном и Грузией. Судите сами: в 2006 году через Батумский порт, который Казахстан взял в аренду на 49 лет, прошло 12 миллионов тонн нефтепродуктов, а в прошлом году только 5 миллионов 185 тысяч тонн. В прошлом году через Грузию прошло всего 183 тысячи тонн зерна. Это при том, что Казахстан ежегодно производит 18-20 миллионов тонн зерна.

Почему? Потому что в Казахстане одна тарифная политика, в Азербайджане – другая, а в Грузии – третья. Как только был создан ТС, для всех предпринимателей стал привлекательным только северный путь – через Россию. Южно-кавказский транспортный коридор начал ослабевать. Даже крупнейшие американские и западноевропейские компании из нефтегазового сектора в Казахстане предпочитают использовать северный маршрут. Много разговоров о строительстве новых портов на Черном море, о возрождении Великого Шелкового Пути через Грузию, об использовании всех транзитных возможностей Грузии. Все это так, но любой предприниматель пойдет туда, где будет больше прибыли.

Мы живем во время острой экономической конкуренции и борьбы за рынки сбыта. В ХХ веке эта конкуренция привела к двум кровавым мировым войнам, когда возобладали идеи мирового господства, бредовые теории расширения жизненного пространства, выживания одного народа за счет истребления и порабощения других народов. Мы перелистнули эту страшную страницу в истории человечества раз и навсегда.

Сейчас время глобальных перемен, когда формируется новая архитектура мировой экономики. В мире возникают новые центры силы, создаются крупные транснациональные экономические блоки и объединения на основе открытости, прозрачности и включенности в глобальные экономические цепочки. Сделайте единую тарифную политику Казахстана, Грузии и Азербайджана – и вы увидите, как резко активизируется южно-кавказский транспортный коридор. Нефтепровод Баку-Тбилиси-Джейхан строился с учетом казахстанской нефти. В прошлом году он был загружен всего на 25 миллионов тонн – вместо запланированных 60 миллионов. Барьеры мешают экономическому росту. Резюмирую: экономическая интеграция не имеет альтернативы. Вопрос в другом: в каком направлении интегрироваться?
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Old October 17th, 2013, 12:14 AM   #138
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Quote:
Eurasianet.org – Tbilisi bracing for Russian pressure
16-10-2013
Eurasianet.org – Tbilisi bracing for Russian pressure Officials and political analysts in Tbilisi believe the Kremlin is ready to reach deep into its bag of tricks to try to coerce Georgia into ditching its European Union membership ambitions and embracing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Union vision.
Georgia traditionally has been the most pro-Western state in the South Caucasus. But in the almost year since Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili’s Georgian Dream coalition gained control of parliament, Georgia’s stance toward Russia has softened somewhat. On November 28, during a summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, Georgia is expected to move closer to the European Union when it is expected to initial an Association Agreement, a major step toward potential EU membership. The agreement, which is also on the table for Ukraine and Moldova, will gradually reduce obstacles for closer economic ties with Brussels.
Some Georgians believe that prospect makes Moscow nervous -- not only because it will expand EU influence in a region the Kremlin still considers its “backyard,” but it will also place an economic obstacle between Russia and Georgia’s southern neighbor, Armenia, the lone Caucasian country to sign on to the Eurasian Union’s precursor, a Customs Union with Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus.
Georgian State Minister for Euro-Atlantic Integration Aleksi Petriashvili on October 9 predicted to reporters that Russia plans “to use all the levers available to it to exert pressure [on Georgia]” before it initials the Association Agreement.
Speculation began about Tbilisi’s intentions after an offhand observation last month from Ivanishvili that Georgia might consider joining Russia’s Eurasian Union, if it proved “interesting.”
Zurab Abashidze, a former Georgian ambassador to Moscow who represents Tbilisi in negotiations with Russia over humanitarian and economic issues, stressed that the Georgian government is not discussing the Eurasian Union with the Kremlin, or any sort of compromise on Tbilisi’s policy of European integration.
While support among Georgians for the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization remains strong (76 percent of 3,838 respondents in a recent poll for the National Democratic Institute), a chance exists that the public -- particularly in impoverished, rural areas -- could switch sides if Moscow makes the right offer, said Kornely K. Kakachia, a political-science professor at Tbilisi State University.
“If you ask people at the end of the day; ‘which one is more important, territorial integrity or Western integration?’ I am not sure Western integration will prevail,” Kakchia commented.
The fact that many Georgians understand the EU integration process more in terms of theoretical advantages tomorrow than immediate gains today plays into this risk, he continued. “Moscow knows this, and Moscow tries to utilize it.”
In the wake of the 2008 war between Russia and Georgia, fences installed by Russian troops in Tbilisi-controlled territory as the “state border” of breakaway South Ossetia constitutes one of the ways Moscow is attempting to apply that pressure, Kakchia and other analysts believe.
Beginning in roughly 2009, Russian troops have been installing barbed wire and fences within areas of separatist-controlled South Ossetia that neighbor on Tbilisi-controlled territory. In recent months, though, they have moved the “border” into Tbilisi-controlled lands, effectively incorporating Georgian orchards, cemeteries and houses into breakaway South Ossetia.
Denounced by Tbilisi’s Western allies and, in a United Nations speech, by President Mikheil Saakashvili, the fence-building appears to have paused for now, Interior Ministry spokesperson Kakha Kemoklidze told EurasiaNet.org on October 11.
But the fences “squandered” any chance that existed for Tbilisi and Moscow to mend relations, much less consider an economic alliance, said Tornike Sharashenidze, a professor of international affairs at the Georgian Institute for Public Affairs and the former director of the NATO Information Center in Tbilisi.
While ordinary Georgians possibly “are not very well aware of … the benefits of the European Union, … they cannot help but see the aggression of Russia,” Sharashenidze said.
Political analyst Alexander Rondeli, founder of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, agrees. “[With the fences] they show everyone -- and Georgians first of all -- that everything, all negotiations, are by Russian rules,” Rondeli said. “It is [a] classical, old strategy: the powerful do as they wish, and the weak do what they can.”
Ivanishvili himself has said he does not plan to visit the affected villages since his presence “will do nothing.” Officials maintain that the fences are the fault of the 2008 war with Russia under President Saakashvili, but conceivably could be used to pressure Georgia to join the Eurasian Union.
Yet the potential pressure points go beyond fences.
The Russian Federal Security Bureau (FSB) announced on October 4 that it has unearthed an international arms-smuggling ring, which it claims has been moving weapons from Georgian-controlled territory via South Ossetia into Russia’s North Ossetia.
Tbilisi has not yet responded to the claims. Such allegations often accompany upticks in tension over South Ossetia.
Another barb aims at a Georgian weak spot, the economy. Just three months after Russia reopened its markets to Georgian alcohol and mineral water, the Russian state consumer-protection agency RosPotrebNadzor once again began questioning the quality of imported Georgian wine.
Georgian wine producers, in the past have emphasized that they have diversified away from the Russian market.
The Georgian Foreign Ministry did not respond to questions in time for publication.
Abashidze, the Georgian envoy, underlined that, no matter Moscow’s actions, Tbilisi intends to stand firm on its desire to gain eventual membership in Euro-Atlantic structures. “We stated from the very beginning that we know Russia has red lines … and we have our red lines -- territorial integrity and our free choice in international relations,” he said. “These principals cannot be discussed.”
http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/poli...-pressure.html
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Old December 3rd, 2013, 08:03 PM   #139
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greetings from Poland where Georgia is something more than just some country in remote Caucasus - hope to see you soon in EU
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Old December 10th, 2013, 09:14 PM   #140
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