daily menu » rate the banner | guess the city | one on oneforums map | privacy policy (aug.2, 2013) | DMCA policy | flipboard magazine

Go Back   SkyscraperCity > Continental Forums > Africa > East Africa > Tanzania > Discussions > Swahili Lounge

Reply
 
Thread Tools
Old January 10th, 2014, 07:44 PM   #1
bantugbro
Olduvai Gorge
 
bantugbro's Avatar
 
Join Date: Feb 2011
Posts: 2,610
Likes (Received): 360

Tanzania & the Liberation of Africa|Tanzania na Ukombozi wa Africa

This thread is meant to highlight the activities and role of Tanzania during the liberation struggles of other African countries particularly in the southern part of our beloved continent....Karibuni
__________________
"...your behind-the-keyboard insinuations will get good people banned for trivial reasons, please don't start with me..."

kiligoland, Baron Shani liked this post
bantugbro no está en línea   Reply With Quote

Sponsored Links
 
Old January 10th, 2014, 07:46 PM   #2
bantugbro
Olduvai Gorge
 
bantugbro's Avatar
 
Join Date: Feb 2011
Posts: 2,610
Likes (Received): 360

Highlights of the Oliver Tambo Edu tour: 2010
__________________
"...your behind-the-keyboard insinuations will get good people banned for trivial reasons, please don't start with me..."

Last edited by bantugbro; January 10th, 2014 at 07:53 PM.
bantugbro no está en línea   Reply With Quote
Old January 10th, 2014, 07:54 PM   #3
bantugbro
Olduvai Gorge
 
bantugbro's Avatar
 
Join Date: Feb 2011
Posts: 2,610
Likes (Received): 360

Highlights the Oliver Tambo Edu Tour: 2011
__________________
"...your behind-the-keyboard insinuations will get good people banned for trivial reasons, please don't start with me..."
bantugbro no está en línea   Reply With Quote
Old January 10th, 2014, 07:59 PM   #4
bantugbro
Olduvai Gorge
 
bantugbro's Avatar
 
Join Date: Feb 2011
Posts: 2,610
Likes (Received): 360

Highlight Oliver Tambo Edu Tour: 2013
__________________
"...your behind-the-keyboard insinuations will get good people banned for trivial reasons, please don't start with me..."

Uhuru na Umoja liked this post
bantugbro no está en línea   Reply With Quote
Old October 12th, 2014, 09:22 PM   #5
Uhuru na Umoja
Julius K Nyerere
 
Uhuru na Umoja's Avatar
 
Join Date: Jan 2012
Location: Scenic Isle:Zanzibar
Posts: 1,206
Likes (Received): 524

Tanzania: Nyerere - Remarkable Crusader for African Liberation


Quote:
Since its inception the African Union (AU) has shown a penchant for failing to define and protect Africans' vital interests, especially land, which in effect is independence itself.

It has also fallen short in establishing the continent's development priorities and how to achieve them and in leaders' inability to simply be honest to their own people. This is not all African leaders of course, but the majority certainly. Now the AU cannot even get it right on who are the big players in the history of the struggle for Africa's liberation, which was the struggle of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of the African Union (AU); a failure which deserves to enter the Guiness Book of Records.

I am referring to the removal of the portrait of Julius Nyerere of Tanzania from the pantheon of the AU's history in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. To characterise this omission as both outrageous and disgraceful is an understatement. It does not matter what one feels or thinks about Nyerere, or Tanzania, but to blatantly distort history in this way is a crime which teaches coming generations a whole load of lies.

No single leader in the African continent has done more for the liberation of Africa and the consolidation of that continent's freedom and integrity than Julius Nyerere. Like him or hate him, that is the truth. The failure to acknowledge this fact is just evidence of the hypocrisy and self-delusion at present among our leaders in this great continent of ours. Even more distasteful and outrageous is the explanation given - that the portrait lineup has been arranged zonally and Tanzania's zone is the same as Ethiopia; therefore, Emperor Haile Selassie has been given the slot.

In terms of practical commitment and sacrifice for the cause of Africa, Haile Selassie is nowhere near Julius Nyerere; and Ethiopia is nowhere near Tanzania. Let us make a few pertinent points clear at the outset. Firstly, the African Union (AU) is not the property of Ethiopia; the choice to site the head office in Addis Ababa was out of respect for that country and a recognition of the purely historical coincidence of it having been independent since the 11th century (apart from the FIVE- year interlude, 1936 -1941, when it was occupied by Italy's Benito Mussolini).

It is not because either the Emperor played an outstanding role in any African liberation struggles or because he was an outstanding role-model of good governance. Nor has it to do with Emperor Haile Sellassie being personally responsible for this historic accident of his country not having been colonised. Far from it.

Secondly, the African Union head office in Addis Ababa is not the National Museum of Ethiopia in which the featuring of Emperor Haile Selassie would be essential. In weighing up which African leader should be honoured by having their portraits displayed in the African Union building, the criteria should purely be on the basis of the proportion of their contribution in advancing the African cause and realistically Nyerere should top any such a list.

There were 30 Heads of State and Representatives at the founding Meeting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Even if, for the sake of space, it demanded only three chosen leaders for the Pantheon, one per cent of them, then Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt should surely be the choice, certainly not Haile Selassie; and from what is now in the public domain regarding his person and reign, he should now be clearly an embarrassment to the continent.

It is patently wrong to try to spruce up his reputation by distorting history at the expense of people who really distinguished themselves in the battlefield of African liberation. There is no doubt that as a leader Selassie did some good things for his country and even the continent as a whole; my problem is one of degree, one of extent. And in weighing a leader's greatness, there is not only his/ her manner of ascending to power but also his or her manner of going out, to be taken into consideration.

Compare and Contrast For the sake of fairness I would like to compare and contrast the leadership records of Haile Selassie and Julius Nyerere and let readers draw their own conclusions. Emperor Haile Selassie ruled his country like a medieval autocrat, controlling all the land and doling out much of it to his cronies - church leaders, so-called nobles, and officers from the army and police force, leaving the majority of his people absolutely landless and in conditions of virtual slavery, which was in fact tolerated in Ethiopia up to as late as 1964.

The reforms put in place through the Constitutions of 1931 and 1958 were both too feeble and too late. This is the pattern that enraged the overwhelming majority of Selassie's subjects and led to the popular revolution of 1974. The sixty officials from the Imperial Government executed by the putschits on 23rd November, 1974, were some of the biggest land owners in the country.

Aside from that, Haile Selassie was allegedly a closet racist; so how could he have genuinely fought the people he admired, the colonisers, white people? One of Selassie's Colonels alleged that the Emperor "denounced his black officials' opinion and trusted the views of white men more." In addition, writing in 1998, Joseph Cardillo remarked on the line-up of guests at his coronation in 1930: "...although representatives of England, France, Italy and many other countries were invited to the Emperor's coronation, there were no black representatives invited or present."

It is important to note that, at the time of his coronation, both Liberia and Egypt were already independent countries, but Selassie never saw fit to extend invitations to leaders of those countries, because of his racist views. How can he possibly be a hero of Africa? In addition, Haile Selassie was also notorious for using double standards. When his country was invaded by the Italian fascists, led by Benito Mussolini, in 1936 he lambasted the League of Nations (precursor of the United Nations) for not coming to the rescue of a League member.

Yet, he annexed Eritrea, making it Ethiopia's 14th province, and so triggering a war which lasted for 30 years, despite the UN Resolution number 390 (V) of 1950 which provided for Eritrea's own Parliament and Administration. Let me briefly focus on Selassie's manner of exit from the political stage in Ethiopia. The famine of 1973, which killed about 250,000 people, was the immediate cause of his overthrow in 1974, but the prolonged neglect of his people really forms the backdrop to his reign's demise and the civil conflict between the haves and have-nots, dubbed the "Red Terror", which that demise created claimed the lives of about 500,000 people, according to Amnesty International.

When the Emperor died, while in custody in 1975, it is said that his body was kept under a toilet for a number of years and in 2000 his remains were given what amounted to an imperial-style funeral by his dedicated followers; but the Government of the day refused to give it such recognition; bearing in mind that this was an elected Government that came after the regime that toppled the Emperor, it would imply that the feelings of the military junta were in accord with the Ethiopian electorate who knew the Emperor better than any other leader from the rest of Africa.

How can the African Union claim to know Haile Selassie better than the Ethiopians themselves? This clearly is either political correctness or ingratiation gone mad. Nyerere: the person Right from the start of the African independence struggle, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere launched an all-inclusive, colour- blind organization - the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU); as long as one subscribed to the aims and objectives of the cause, then a person's skin pigmentation became largely irrelevant. Nyerere once poised a rhetorical question: "We have fought our battle against the injustice of the colonial system which qualified the 'rights' of an individual according to the colour of his skin.

Are we now to turn around and deny that principle ourselves by discriminating against those whose skins are not black?" Soon after independence, Mwalimu Nyerere nationalised all land and proceeded to make it free to every citizen at the point of use. Tanzania's prevailing peace and tranquillity is largely attributable to Nyerere's policy on land; land inequality cost Haile Selassie his crown and unequal land policies are still causing civil wars all over East Africa and the rest of the continent today. Mwalimu Nyerere and Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume are the only leaders in Africa to have created a union of two sovereign states-Tanganyika and Zanzibar- which is still going strong.

Yes, there are rumblings from time to time, but again there are rumblings in all democratic political unions or federations throughout the world; the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Canada, Belgium, Germany, Italy to name but a few. So Nyerere's achievement on that front is remarkable.And to crown it all, by the mid 1970s, Tanzania dominated the social structure superlatives: Tanzania boasted the best healthcare system in Africa, the best educational system in Africa, the best literacy rate in Africa, the best national unity in Africa, the best military structure in Africa and so on.

In terms of honesty and nonacquisitiveness, one can safely say Nyerere is exceptional, if not unique. Twenty years into his Presidency, Nyerere was still paying a mortgage he took to build a house when he was a teacher, before he became President, when many other African leaders were treating their Central Banks like personal petty-cash boxes. A retirement home, that befits a person who served his country so well, was built for Nyerere by the State after he retired - how different in terms of public respect to Haile Selassie's ignominious end.

Following his people's realization that Nyerere did not hoard money in bank accounts overseas, soon after he retired a retirement fund was set up and people from all walks of life, un-coerced, contributed to it. But characteristic of Nyerere, when he felt that the amount collected was getting embarrassingly high he politely but firmly put a stop to it. I remember one night at the Africa Centre in London, a Kenyan telling me very excitedly: "You know what? No Tanzanian can say anything against Nyerere now here is a man who has refused money."

By contrast, Emperor Haile Selassie was forced by his people to sign a cheque to return some of the monies he had expropriated overseas. Yet our great leaders at the African Union today want to tell Africa and the world that Haile Selassie deserves a place in Africa's history rather than Nyerere. If this is the level of judgement of our most trusted leaders in the continent, then God help Africa, since the moral here is that because Nyerere was not a thieving leader, then he is not Africa's best role model.

That is what it all boils down to and I hope the newlyelected Commissioner of African Union, Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, is aware of that irony. Nyerere: the liberation crusader Mwalimu Julius Nyerere is, without doubt, one of the greatest leaders Africa has produced, and his practical commitment and dedication to the liberation struggles has no parallel in the continent.

After the formation of the Liberation Committee under the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the 1960s, President Nyerere committed one per cent of his country's income to the liberation fund. The head office of the Liberation Committee was placed in his country; and nearly all liberation movements in the continent were either headquartered or had offices in Tanzania and most of them also had training facilities for their forces there. Such a stand invited hostility from neo-colonial elements, and the price in purely economic terms was high for Tanzania.

In 1965, the OAU passed a resolution calling member states to suspend diplomatic relations with Britain by December of that year, if they did not put down Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). President Nyerere objected that the deadline was unrealistic; Britain needed to be given more time to deal with the problem, but he was overruled. However, when the set deadline arrived, only President Nyerere honoured that commitment; in retaliation Britain cancelled £7.5 million of aid to Tanzania. In March of 1974, officers in the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (TPDF) committed five per cent of their salaries to the liberation struggles.

Many Tanzanians died fighting for the liberation of countries throughout Africa. The then Rhodesian rebel leader, Ian Smith once described Nyerere as the "evil genius behind the war in Rhodesia", which was a reluctant acknowledgement of Tanzania's role in that country's war of liberation; while the late President of Mozambique, Samora Moses Machel once remarked: "... to talk of Nyerere is to speak of the liberation of Africa."

In the 1970s, when the Republic of Guinea was invaded by the Portuguese colonialists, the Cabinet of Tanzania met immediately and voted a massive amount of money in aid to that country, not mentioning military aid which could not be made public. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was Nyerere's brainchild, designed to isolate South Africa and so to speed up the ending of apartheid rule in that country.

So was TAZARA the (Tanzania Zambia Railway) masterminded by Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda and calculated to remove Zambia's dependence on transport facilities of its minority-ruled neighbours to the south. The African Union should not play the colonial games of teaching the world the wrong history. Mwalimu Nyerere has amply earned the right to have his portrait displayed in the pantheon of the African Union in Addis Ababa, and his image should be reinstated there without delay.
Lot of people are up in arms to distort history.
__________________
Tanzania could have had a strong economy today if it did not accept sacrifices in building the future of the region. Joaquim Chissano,

There we are, liberation movements, there we were - depending on the resources in Tanzania.
Robert Mugabe

Most importantly, it was with the moral and material support of the Tanzanian People that we managed to defeat Apartheid.
Jacob Zuma

bantugbro, Baron Shani liked this post
Uhuru na Umoja no está en línea   Reply With Quote
Old October 14th, 2014, 08:47 PM   #6
Uhuru na Umoja
Julius K Nyerere
 
Uhuru na Umoja's Avatar
 
Join Date: Jan 2012
Location: Scenic Isle:Zanzibar
Posts: 1,206
Likes (Received): 524

Quote:
INTERVIEW: I hope Africa will remember me: Mbita
by Munyaradzi Huni | Sunday, Aug 24, 2014 | 1116 views
sundaymail.co.zw

IN Africa you are only a hero when you die. This is the sad and painful reality. And so last week, when Sadc and Zimbabwe decided to honour Retired Brigadier-General Hashim Mbita, the man who was the Executive Secretary of the Liberation Committee of the then Organisation of African Unity from 1974 to 1994, I was not surprised that this unsung African hero could not be there in person.

In April this year, I travelled to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, to interview that countryís former President Benjamin Mkapa and Brigadier-General Mbita, and when this man who served liberation movements across Africa tirelessly for 20 years wobbled into the room where we were to conduct the interview, I cursed Africa and got an idea why we are indeed called the Dark Continent.Ē
One could write a bestseller on ďHow to Neglect Your True Heroes.Ē Brigadier-General Mbitaís health had deteriorated so much that I almost failed to recognise him but fortunately, Zimbabwean Ambassador to Tanzania, Ambassador Edzai Chimonyo was there to calm my nerves. Below are excerpts from the interview I had with the Brigadier-General.

Munyaradzi Huni (MH): Thank you, Brigadier-General, for this opportunity to chat with you. How are you?

Brig-Gen Mbita: I am as you can see me. I am fine and thank you for finally thinking of me. Do I actually have a story of interest to anyone out there? Anyway.

MH: Yes, Comrade, you have so much to tell. You were the Executive Secretary of the Liberation Committee of the OAU. Tell us briefly how this committee was formed.

Brig-Gen Mbita: Well, it was around 1963 when Pan-Africanism developed into the formation of the Organisation of African Unity. It was at the OAU level that a decision was made in 1963 in Addis Ababa. Two crucial decisions were made.

One was to form the OAU in 1963. The members agreed to sign the charter that led to the formation of the OAU. At the same meeting, it was observed that there were many African countries that were not yet independent. ĎSo what do we do us who are independent to help these other countries?í Thatís when the organisation decided to form the Liberation Committee of the OAU.

MH: What exactly was the role of this committee and what was its structure like?

Brig-Gen Mbita: The role of the committee was to assist liberation movements across Africa to realise their political goals. The assistance was in all forms Ė political, diplomatic, material, social and so on.

As the Executive Secretary I was reporting to the Council of Ministers. My responsibilities were to organise the fulfilment of the desires of the member states that wanted to assist those countries that were yearning for their independence. So my major task was to raise the necessary political assistance so that the liberation movements could move towards achieving their political will.

MH: How did you relate with the liberation movements?

Brig-Gen Mbita: The liberation movements had their own problems. So they would come to the committee and we would assist in solving their problems. The secretariat had three major branches Ė there was the administration and finance department, the policy and information department and there was the defence department. Each department handled issues most suited to it. So if any liberation movement wanted military assistance in the form of advice or materials, they would go to the defence department and so on. All these three departments reported to me. I would compile a report and my report would be brought to the full liberation committee twice a year.

MH: How difficult was it dealing with the liberation movements considering their different backgrounds?

Brig-Gen Mbita: It was as easy as it is today in their countries. How difficult is it? All those are not new difficulties. They are just a continuation of what I was experiencing during that time. There is nothing new really.

MH: We understand that Zanla and Zipra comrades sometimes clashed especially at Mgagao training camp. How would you handle such situations?

Brig-Gen Mbita: It was very difficult. It was very difficult and delicate. It wasnít an easy job. You were dealing with human beings and when human beings differ to the extent of drawing arms against each other, itís not an easy matter. The general here (Ambassador Chimonyo) will tell you. Itís not an easy matter.

I had the authority from the committee and the OAU to help them, but the job wasnít easy. I didnít help them only when they were in love. You help them particularly if there are difficulties.
If there was need to call the commanders I would call the commanders. Sometimes they would not agree to meet each other. So you see how best to do it.

MH: So the situation was quite tense sometimes?

Brig-Gen Mbita:
You should know that. You should know that. They gave me lots of headaches. I worked with many commanders from both Zanla and Zipra. I worked with Tongogara in Zanu, I worked with Nikita Mangena in ZAPU. I worked with many of them. I worked with Joshua Nkomo, I worked with Cde Mugabe.

At one time I managed to bring JZ Moyo from ZAPU and my old man Muzenda from Zanu to the talking table, but it was very difficult to put them together. Not that they didnít want to meet but their internal politics was such that no one wanted to be misunderstood by his comrades. So it wasnít easy. These young people (recruits) had names for them. They called them names.
MH: What names?

Brig-Gen Mbita: No, I wonít tell you.

MH: Was there any strategic reason for choosing to have the training bases in the Mbeya area?

Brig-Gen Mbita: One of the reasons was that it was closer to their area of confrontation. You see from Southern Rhodesia the nearest point where there was a little acceptable politics, was Zambia. Zambia was the only one that bordered Tanzania. It also bordered Mozambique and it also bordered Angola. So it was easy to bring these young people who were being brought from Rhodesia. These young people who sacrificed their lives for the betterment of the future of their countries. It was easy to bring them across, a shorter distance. There were training camps even in Iringa which was faraway from Mbeya.

MH: The Smith regime was a ruthless regime if we look at what they did at Chimoio and Nyadzonia. As Tanzania, how did you protect the recruits as they were undergoing training?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Tanzania had to structure itself as if it was in a war situation. The security system had to be alert to be able to protect liberation movements.

As you know Tanzania had not fought a war to gain its independence but the experience of hosting liberation movements was enough to give us experience as if we had fought a war. We had to protect our guests. As for mobilising the people of Tanganyika, we told them that our independence was not the end of the struggle. There were other Africans who were still under colonial domination.

MH: Did you at some point visit the war front like in Rhodesia?

Brig-Gen Mbita: (Laughs) When it was necessary yes, I did. I didnít visit the war front in Zimbabwe but my first visit was to Mozambique. I also went to Guinea Bissau. I wanted to go to Angola but the political situation and the political parties said it was not ideal for me to visit. There was a big fight between MPLA, FNLA and other parties in Angola. It was the leadership that said no, no donít go there now because we canít guarantee your safety. So I couldnít be bolder than these leaders.

MH: How did the internal fights between the liberation movements affect the struggle?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Any negative tendency between people moving in a particular direction slows down the progress. That is what happened but you see even today in independent Africa, there are so many differences between our governments to the extent that we canít properly marshal African unity.

MH: Tanzania was instrumental in the formation of Zipa which was a joint fighting force between Zanla and Zipra forces. On reflection do you think it was a good idea to form Zipa? What exactly was the idea behind forming Zipa?

Brig-Gen Mbita: The idea was to unite the fighting forces, a situation which earned me a bad name, but I didnít mind. The political leadership in Zimbabwe said I was interfering with their cadres. I discussed with Nikita. I discussed with Mujuru. You might know the story about the Mgagao Declaration. Part of what happened was interpreted by the political leadership in Zimbabwe, both from the Zanu and ZAPU side that I was removing the leadership of their cadres. They said I was now creating the Mbita High Command. (laughs) That was the extent of my involvement.

MH: Following the disturbances that occurred after the formation of Zipa, do you have any regrets?

Brig-Gen Mbita: I donít regret at all. No regrets at all. That was the right move to take at that particular time. No regrets at all. There was a time I assembled the leadership of Zimbabwe, Sithole, Joshua, Bishop Muzorewa, Cde Mugabe and others. I took them to Mwalimuís house. He spoke to them. After that I told the leaders that I was taking them to Mgagao the next day and we agreed. We then went to sleep. We had agreed that I would come to take them from Kilimanjaro Hotel and when I got there around 6am, the first person I met was the Bishop. The Bishop told me that sorry (I was a brigadier at that time), he said I am sorry, some of us had bad dreams about going to Mgagao, so can we change the programme for another day. (laughs)

MH: Did he tell you about the bad dreams?

Brig-Gen Mbita: He just said he had had bad dreams and he didnít feel like going to Mgagao. He said he didnít feel safe. So what was I supposed to do?
I could not force him. So we had to postpone the visit and immediately I phoned Mwalimu and said I am sorry, I am not going to Mgagao today because some of my clients had had some bad dreams.

MH: Why did you want to take these leaders to Mgagao?

Brig-Gen Mbita: This is where their people were. That is where the cadres were. I wanted to take them there so that they could address the cadres. The divisions were just too much and I wanted them to show the cadres that despite the differences, they could still live together and fight the war together. I also wanted them to hear the feelings of the cadres, but then people had had bad dreams and we didnít go.

MH: Tell us, what exactly led to the Mgagao Declaration?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Well, it was partly the difference between political leaders, partly because of mistrust of the cadres on the part of the leadership. So they had to find a way to sort their problems. There were so many problems. I remember there was, eehh, (name of Zanu-PF Politburo member given) what is he doing now? I think he was in Canada then, yes I remember. He was returning from Canada then and twice because of the information I was getting, I offloaded him from a ship which was going to Beira. When I was told that (name given) was going to Beira, I immediately knew that he was going to cause all sorts of problems. I had to stop him.

MH: Why?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Because he was not a peaceful person. He was a politician. His political line did not convince me that he was going to make peace there. Very divisive.

MH: What had he done?

Brig-Gen Mbita: I donít have to tell you that.

MH: But we would be grateful to know?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Well, you will know when I am not there.

MH: But . . .?

Brig-Gen Mbita: You will learn when I am not there.
MH: Ok, I see I wonít win this one. There was a dark moment during the struggle when Cde Chitepo passed away leading to some disturbances. How much do you think Cde Chitepoís death affected the struggle?

Brig-Gen Mbita: It affected the struggle badly. It affected the struggle very negatively. It devastated the leadership of the Zanu High Command. The Zanu High Command was disrupted. It was really bad. Some divisions continued forever . . . Do you know Hamadziripi and who he was during the struggle? I was in Zimbabwe when he passed away. What happened at his funeral was a reflection of how some of these things had affected the struggle . . . The death of Chitepo was such a dark moment for the struggle. I witnessed such dark moments in Angola, in South Africa, in Mozambique and so on.

MH: But surely there were moments to rejoice. Any happy moments you remember?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Oohh, yes I had many lovely moments. I made lots of friends. Among my best friends in Zimbabwe was Cde Mujuru.
He was at home here anytime he visited Tanzania. Two of my children grew up in his house in Harare.

MH: Some people say eventually Tanzania was more close to Zanu than ZAPU. What is your comment?

Brig-Gen Mbita: No. Tanzania was more close to Zimbabwe. I am being frank here. Like I told you, when there were real problems in ZAPU, my first encounter with Cde Nkomo in Lusaka we discussed and I told him, hey, Cde Nkomo, why donít you allow me to talk to Cde Nikita so that we could iron out some of the problems. He said to me, hey, you want to take my command? So you see but I was very close to JZ Moyo and George Silundika. We worked together well.

MH: How close were the liberation movements at that time?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Well, it depended on a lot of things, you see. For example, ZAPU had developed very close links with the Soviet Union. MPLA from Angola had built a relationship with the Soviet Union, Zanu had built a relationship with Yugoslavia and later China. So all these are forces that did affect the relationship between movements.

MH: Do you think there is still unity among liberation movements today?

Brig-Gen Mbita:
There is a seemingly existing relationship of wanting to fight the economic struggle but now this struggle is completely different. When they were fighting the political struggle there were so many hopefuls from non-African countries. Now this economic struggle is a new challenge altogether. So many vested interests. Africa could win the economic struggle if there was a clear-headed African leadership. The unfortunate bit is that there is no cohesive political and economic leadership in Africa. There isnít. I donít know why. I donít run any party or government. I am just an on-looker.

MH: President Mugabe has called on Africa to honour Dr Nyerere. What is your comment to this call by President Mugabe?

Brig-Gen Mbita: Africa should recognise what that great man did for this continent. His contribution to the struggle for independence in Africa. His political commitment was unparalleled. He sacrificed a lot for Africa, almost single-handedly. It was much later when Kenneth Kaunda came in. I canít tell Africa what to do. Itís up to the leaders of this continent. Mwalimu did a lot for Africa and Africa should find how best to honour him.

MH: The Liberation Committee was dissolved in 1994 and in one of your speeches in 1994 you said ďMission AccomplishedĒ. What did you mean?

Brig-Gen Mbita: The liberation struggle had been won. The committee was created to assist liberation movements and in 1994, South Africa became independent and South Africa was admitted as a member of the OAU. We had accomplished our mandate.

I hope a free Africa will remember the little I did for this continent. I am a satisfied man because I played my little part.
__________________
Tanzania could have had a strong economy today if it did not accept sacrifices in building the future of the region. Joaquim Chissano,

There we are, liberation movements, there we were - depending on the resources in Tanzania.
Robert Mugabe

Most importantly, it was with the moral and material support of the Tanzanian People that we managed to defeat Apartheid.
Jacob Zuma

bantugbro, Baron Shani, kiligoland liked this post
Uhuru na Umoja no está en línea   Reply With Quote
Reply

Thread Tools

Posting Rules
You may not post new threads
You may not post replies
You may not post attachments
You may not edit your posts

BB code is On
Smilies are On
[IMG] code is On
HTML code is Off



All times are GMT +2. The time now is 07:53 PM.


Powered by vBulletin® Version 3.8.8 Beta 1
Copyright ©2000 - 2014, vBulletin Solutions, Inc.
Feedback Buttons provided by Advanced Post Thanks / Like v3.2.5 (Pro) - vBulletin Mods & Addons Copyright © 2014 DragonByte Technologies Ltd.

vBulletin Optimisation provided by vB Optimise (Pro) - vBulletin Mods & Addons Copyright © 2014 DragonByte Technologies Ltd.

SkyscraperCity ☆ In Urbanity We trust ☆ about us | privacy policy | DMCA policy

Hosted by Blacksun, dedicated to this site too!
Forum server management by DaiTengu