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Old April 26th, 2010, 11:56 PM   #521
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Looks like there are streets for cars all over the site, e.g. the main pedestrian axis is cut off by a street to the China pavilion. I thought it is a pedestrian only, plus special transport vehicles, e.g. trams, etc. so I was wrong.
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Old April 27th, 2010, 11:51 PM   #522
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After seeing some pictures on Chinese TV on the trial run, I am not so sure if I want to go now. It looked like a battle ground and people are not obeying the rules, garbage dumped next to the drinking fountain, etc. Worst still, when it officially opens, it will be twice as crowded as the trial run.
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Old April 28th, 2010, 12:46 AM   #523
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Old April 28th, 2010, 03:39 AM   #524
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How many countries join ShangHai Expo....?
Does Cambodia join?
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Old April 28th, 2010, 03:54 AM   #525
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Quote:
Originally Posted by yangkhm View Post
How many countries join ShangHai Expo....?
Does Cambodia join?
Cambodia Pavilion

Pavilions
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Old April 28th, 2010, 03:58 AM   #526
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Xinhuanet bbs (posted by 炮二平五)
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Old April 28th, 2010, 03:59 AM   #527
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Chilean Pavilion

Quote:
Originally Posted by stencil View Post
No seai flojo, sube las fotos XD




















El Madero magico



XD
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Old April 28th, 2010, 07:03 AM   #528
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Quote:
Originally Posted by staff View Post
New generation CRH380 at the railway pavilion;
@ourail.com
image hosted on flickr
OH MY GOD !!
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Old April 28th, 2010, 07:09 AM   #529
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Getting reading for the Opening Ceremony (Sina, April 27 2010):



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Old April 28th, 2010, 03:35 PM   #530
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clicking out at http://www.travelchinaguide.com/pict.../expo-2010.htm
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(同一个北京)(同一个上海)(同一个天津)(同一个广州)(同一个深圳)(同一个重庆)(同一个杭州)(同一个南京)(同一个沈陽)(同一个武汉)(同一个成都)(同一个長春)(同一个长沙)(同一个苏州)(同一个无锡)(同一个扬州)(同一个西安)(同一个吉林)(同一个青島)(同一个大连)(同一个厦门)(同一个潮州)(同一个高州)(同一个香港)(同一个澳門)
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Old April 28th, 2010, 04:00 PM   #531
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Quote:
Originally Posted by xdexina View Post
Hi there! do you have some photo's of Portugal's pavilion!?
Shanghai expo will be amazing!
http://www.travelblog.org/Photos/4989075 <--- Portugal Pavilion
are u welcome to shanghai..
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> 同一个中国
(同一个北京)(同一个上海)(同一个天津)(同一个广州)(同一个深圳)(同一个重庆)(同一个杭州)(同一个南京)(同一个沈陽)(同一个武汉)(同一个成都)(同一个長春)(同一个长沙)(同一个苏州)(同一个无锡)(同一个扬州)(同一个西安)(同一个吉林)(同一个青島)(同一个大连)(同一个厦门)(同一个潮州)(同一个高州)(同一个香港)(同一个澳門)
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Old April 28th, 2010, 05:17 PM   #532
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Shanghai Surprise
Next month’s eye-popping World Expo heralds the city’s resurgence—and perhaps a bruising new chapter in U.S.-Sino relations.

26 April 2010
Newsweek

A new and supremely confident symbol for the city of Shanghai is supposed to be unveiled soon on the historic riverside esplanade, the Bund—presumably by May 1, when the 2010 World Expo will open. It’s a gigantic bronze bull created by Arturo DiModica, the Italian-American artist who gave Wall Street its famous mascot, Charging Bull. Press reports have said the Shanghai beast will weigh almost twice its New York brother’s 7,000 pounds, and size isn’t the only difference. The one on the Bund will be “younger and more energetic, symbolizing the energy of Shanghai’s economy,” according to local government official Zhou Wei. “Its head will look up, while the Wall Street bull looks down.”

It seems as if we’re always hearing boasts like that from China’s supposed city of the future. But what most outsiders don’t realize is that Shanghai’s fate has risen and fallen and risen again, along with its political fortunes. The 70 million or more tourists who are expected to visit the expo over the next year will enjoy the results of a $40 billion makeover—new air terminals and ring roads, and more than 150 miles of new subway line, along with an entirely new waterfront district carved out of docklands and old industrial facilities. The transformation reflects the comeback of the city’s brash patrons, the aggressive, antidemocratic political clique known as the “Shanghai gang.”

For those who read tea leaves in China, the revival is striking. Back in 2006, when runaway real-estate development was driving people out of their homes and exacerbating Shanghai’s rich-poor divide, the central government in Beijing pushed back. Shanghai’s powerful Communist Party boss, Chen Liangyu, was dismissed and then convicted for graft and other abuses of power. Major construction projects were shelved or canceled outright. But now the reopening of the money spigot is being taken as hard evidence that the Shanghai boys have regained national influence. Besides projects related directly to the expo—the modern version of the World’s Fair, held once every five years—there are signs that megaprojects like the $5 billion magnetic-levitation rail line from Shanghai to Hangzhou are back on track. Real-estate speculation has resumed, with March housing prices up nearly 12 percent from the previous year. And Beijing has officially given its blessing to Shanghai’s greater ambitions—to be a global financial center and a nexus for international shipping and logistics by the end of the decade.

The Shanghai faction has no official status, being little more than a loose coalition of officials united by freewheeling economic views and a tough stance on foreign policy. Many of its leading figures are the offspring of veteran revolutionaries, with close ties to the military and public security establishment. In the language of Chinese power rivalries they’re part of an “elitist” group that includes well-connected “princelings,” in contrast to the “populists” allied with President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao. But the terms can be confusing: these populists pursue social justice but avoid rabble-rousing and demagoguery, while the princelings and elitists are by no means too refined for a knock-down, drag-out fight with the rest of the world.

The faction’s patriarch, former president and party chief Jiang Zemin, practically vanished from the public eye for several years after yielding the last of his official posts to Hu. Now the long blackout has ended: at the National Day parade in October, state-run TV gave almost as much camera time to Jiang as to the current president himself. And the most popular politician in China these days may be another princeling tied to the faction—Bo Xilai, the current party boss in the city of Chongqing. His campaign to fight organized crime has earned him the sobriquet “China’s Eliot Ness,” and an online poll by the party mouthpiece People’s Daily recently declared him to be “Man of the Year.”

China’s current vice president, Xi Jinping, is slated to take over the country in 2012. As a former Shanghai party boss, he’s closely associated with the gang, and he now seems secure enough to assert himself. “There are some bored foreigners, with full stomachs, who have nothing better to do than point fingers at us,” he complained in a private meeting with overseas Chinese in Mexico last year. “First, China doesn’t export revolution; second, China doesn’t export hunger and poverty; third, China doesn’t come and cause you headaches. What more is there to be said?” His fierce resentment of outside pressure is widely shared by the princelings; the hostile demeanor of another individual from the faction became a subject of comment among Westerners at the recent Copenhagen climate summit, when the Chinese delegation brushed off pressure from America and others to commit to binding targets on reducing carbon emissions.

Such assertiveness is typical of the Shanghai faction—which should worry Washington. Hu and Wen have pushed for greener policies and are relatively amenable to talks on issues like whether China’s currency, the yuan, is artificially undervalued. The same can’t always be said for the Shanghai partisans, who believe in all-out economic growth at almost any cost and are closely associated with policies that favor China’s big exporters. Officials at the Commerce Ministry, which has strong ties to the Shanghai gang, have openly denounced U.S. pressure to strengthen the yuan—and thus make Chinese exports more expensive—as “irrational” and “unacceptable to China.” The ministry went so far as to send a delegation to America to conduct a media blitz inside the Beltway.

It’s true that when Jiang was president, his Western-tinged views sometimes raised eyebrows in China—but that’s small comfort. While popular among the haves, the Shanghai faction’s policies risk alienating the have-nots. So do the princelings’ often privileged backgrounds. To compensate, their expressions of nationalism can be more strident, especially during international negotiations. For now, Hu and the populists are still running things in Beijing—but that may change. “In a year or two, the political pendulum could well swing back toward the elitists,” warns Brookings Sinologist Cheng Li. “That will have foreign-policy implications, such as in climate-change talks.” The Shanghai gang’s rise to power could give new meaning to the phrase “bull in a China shop.”

With Duncan Hewitt
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Old April 28th, 2010, 07:17 PM   #533
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Interesting wordings in the article.

Quote:
Originally Posted by hkskyline View Post
Shanghai Surprise
Next month’s eye-popping World Expo heralds the city’s resurgence—and perhaps a bruising new chapter in U.S.-Sino relations.

26 April 2010
Newsweek

A new and supremely confident symbol for the city of Shanghai is supposed to be unveiled soon on the historic riverside esplanade, the Bund—presumably by May 1, when the 2010 World Expo will open. It’s a gigantic bronze bull created by Arturo DiModica, the Italian-American artist who gave Wall Street its famous mascot, Charging Bull. Press reports have said the Shanghai beast will weigh almost twice its New York brother’s 7,000 pounds, and size isn’t the only difference. The one on the Bund will be “younger and more energetic, symbolizing the energy of Shanghai’s economy,” according to local government official Zhou Wei. “Its head will look up, while the Wall Street bull looks down.”

It seems as if we’re always hearing boasts like that from China’s supposed city of the future. But what most outsiders don’t realize is that Shanghai’s fate has risen and fallen and risen again, along with its political fortunes. The 70 million or more tourists who are expected to visit the expo over the next year will enjoy the results of a $40 billion makeover—new air terminals and ring roads, and more than 150 miles of new subway line, along with an entirely new waterfront district carved out of docklands and old industrial facilities. The transformation reflects the comeback of the city’s brash patrons, the aggressive, antidemocratic political clique known as the “Shanghai gang.”

For those who read tea leaves in China, the revival is striking. Back in 2006, when runaway real-estate development was driving people out of their homes and exacerbating Shanghai’s rich-poor divide, the central government in Beijing pushed back. Shanghai’s powerful Communist Party boss, Chen Liangyu, was dismissed and then convicted for graft and other abuses of power. Major construction projects were shelved or canceled outright. But now the reopening of the money spigot is being taken as hard evidence that the Shanghai boys have regained national influence. Besides projects related directly to the expo—the modern version of the World’s Fair, held once every five years—there are signs that megaprojects like the $5 billion magnetic-levitation rail line from Shanghai to Hangzhou are back on track. Real-estate speculation has resumed, with March housing prices up nearly 12 percent from the previous year. And Beijing has officially given its blessing to Shanghai’s greater ambitions—to be a global financial center and a nexus for international shipping and logistics by the end of the decade.

The Shanghai faction has no official status, being little more than a loose coalition of officials united by freewheeling economic views and a tough stance on foreign policy. Many of its leading figures are the offspring of veteran revolutionaries, with close ties to the military and public security establishment. In the language of Chinese power rivalries they’re part of an “elitist” group that includes well-connected “princelings,” in contrast to the “populists” allied with President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao. But the terms can be confusing: these populists pursue social justice but avoid rabble-rousing and demagoguery, while the princelings and elitists are by no means too refined for a knock-down, drag-out fight with the rest of the world.

The faction’s patriarch, former president and party chief Jiang Zemin, practically vanished from the public eye for several years after yielding the last of his official posts to Hu. Now the long blackout has ended: at the National Day parade in October, state-run TV gave almost as much camera time to Jiang as to the current president himself. And the most popular politician in China these days may be another princeling tied to the faction—Bo Xilai, the current party boss in the city of Chongqing. His campaign to fight organized crime has earned him the sobriquet “China’s Eliot Ness,” and an online poll by the party mouthpiece People’s Daily recently declared him to be “Man of the Year.”

China’s current vice president, Xi Jinping, is slated to take over the country in 2012. As a former Shanghai party boss, he’s closely associated with the gang, and he now seems secure enough to assert himself. “There are some bored foreigners, with full stomachs, who have nothing better to do than point fingers at us,” he complained in a private meeting with overseas Chinese in Mexico last year. “First, China doesn’t export revolution; second, China doesn’t export hunger and poverty; third, China doesn’t come and cause you headaches. What more is there to be said?” His fierce resentment of outside pressure is widely shared by the princelings; the hostile demeanor of another individual from the faction became a subject of comment among Westerners at the recent Copenhagen climate summit, when the Chinese delegation brushed off pressure from America and others to commit to binding targets on reducing carbon emissions[1].

Such assertiveness is typical of the Shanghai faction—which should worry Washington. Hu and Wen have pushed for greener policies and are relatively amenable to talks on issues like whether China’s currency, the yuan, is artificially undervalued. The same can’t always be said for the Shanghai partisans, who believe in all-out economic growth at almost any cost and are closely associated with policies that favor China’s big exporters. Officials at the Commerce Ministry, which has strong ties to the Shanghai gang, have openly denounced U.S. pressure to strengthen the yuan—and thus make Chinese exports more expensive—as “irrational” and “unacceptable to China.” The ministry went so far as to send a delegation to America to conduct a media blitz inside the Beltway.

It’s true that when Jiang was president, his Western-tinged views sometimes raised eyebrows in China—but that’s small comfort. While popular among the haves, the Shanghai faction’s policies risk alienating the have-nots. So do the princelings’ often privileged backgrounds. To compensate, their expressions of nationalism can be more strident, especially during international negotiations. For now, Hu and the populists are still running things in Beijing—but that may change. “In a year or two, the political pendulum could well swing back toward the elitists,” warns Brookings Sinologist Cheng Li. “That will have foreign-policy implications, such as in climate-change talks.” The Shanghai gang’s rise to power could give new meaning to the phrase “bull in a China shop.”

With Duncan Hewitt
[1]
Jiabao said developed countries must bear their share of responsibility.

"In addressing climate change, it is inadmissible to turn a blind eye to historical responsibilities, per capita emissions, and different levels of development, [which] would undermine the efforts of developing countries to get rid of poverty and backwardness," he said. - CBC.ca

Last edited by skyridgeline; April 28th, 2010 at 07:26 PM.
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Old April 29th, 2010, 08:44 PM   #534
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posted by graupner, SSP

Canada's pavilion at Expo 1967:


The chinese pavilion at Expo 2010:



The mascot of expo 2010:



Gumby ( 1957-1967):



Critics see red over China's 'copycat' culture at Shanghai Expo

China pavilion resembles Canada's at Expo '67


By AILEEN MCCABE, Canwest News ServiceApril 27, 2010



Call it coincidence or just another example of China's "shanzhai culture," but people are starting to notice the signature Chinese pavilion at Expo 2010 bears more than a passing resemblance to the Canadian pavilion at Montreal's Expo '67.

The number of shanzhai or copycat products that come out of China is legend, but everyone naturally

expected a national project like the Shanghai Expo, which opens Saturday, to be a notable exception.

The trouble started more than a week ago when Expo organizers were confronted with suspicions a high-profile promotional song advertising the World's Fair featuring action hero/singer Jackie Chan and a host of other Chinese stars, 2010 Waiting for You, borrowed freely from a 13-year-old Japanese tune, Stay the Way You Are, by Mayo Okamoto.

Expo organizers did not actually admit plagiarism, but they hastily pulled the song from the airwaves because of "copyright issues," according to their website.

The next potential shanzhai problem came to light at a news conference late last week when a U.S. reporter noted the similarity between the Expo mascot Haibao and Gumby, the title character in a cartoon series that ran on North American television for 35 years, starting in 1957.

One member of the Haibao design team denied any hint of plagiarism, telling the Global Times newspaper he'd never heard of Gumby until this ruckus began.

But once again, Expo organizers didn't exactly deny the shanzhai effect.

"Haibao was unveiled a long time ago," Xu Wei, an Expo spokesperson said. "If anyone thinks that it violates some sort of copyright, then why is the issue only being addressed now?"

Questions about the design of the giant red Chinese pavilion were raised at the same news conference by the same U.S. reporter, but she compared it to the Japanese pavilion at the 1992 World's Fair in Seville, Spain.

The resemblance she noted is definitely there, but once again Xu dismissed the shanzhai idea. The only similarity is that both pavilions used an ancient Asian style of design, he said.

People with longer memories are now taking a new look at the Canadian pavilion at Montreal's Expo '67, and noting its obvious similarity with the China pavilion, too.

Asian influence again? Not likely.

Built by Roderick Robbie and called Katimavik - meeting place, in Inuit - the Canada pavilion has for more than 40 years been considered quintessentially Canadian.
© Copyright (c) The Montreal Gazette

Read more: http://www.montrealgazette.com
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Old April 29th, 2010, 09:33 PM   #535
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^ The display of ignorance is astounding

Canada's used that design for 40 years so its Canadian? China's been using that style for millennia
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Old April 29th, 2010, 10:14 PM   #536
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Lol. What a nerd village mentality. The mascot is a 人, the Hanzi for man/person.
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Old April 29th, 2010, 10:36 PM   #537
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check out the awesome pictures from boston.com

http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/201...rly_ready.html

the baby picture is somehow creepy, other than that, all look fantastic
picture #19 is my favorite one of the set:

Last edited by sickasick; April 29th, 2010 at 10:49 PM.
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Old April 29th, 2010, 10:47 PM   #538
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Quote:
Originally Posted by z0rg View Post
Lol. What a nerd village mentality. The mascot is a 人, the Hanzi for man/person.
the original mascot design was a chinese character 大 for "big", and they revised it to resemble the character 人 instead. frankly it is not a very impressive mascot, but come on, gumby is just too ugly for people to copy.
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Old April 29th, 2010, 11:31 PM   #539
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the local Shanghainese call it the lump of toothpaste
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Old April 29th, 2010, 11:48 PM   #540
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Don't really pay any attention to American/Canadian journalists, full of sour grapes because the world's going east.

Sounds like someone who would work for THE worst and most bigoted techblog (an American site) in the world, Engadget.
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