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You're absolutely right! I visited both the Kololo and Serena near Lake Victoria and they're both very nice resort hotels equivalent to something you'd see on some Pacific Islands. I visited the Sheraton a few times as they have nice shows on Thursdays and Sundays. But the hotel itself has a very basic exterior design though the surrounding parks are quite attractive.

Another thing I noticed about Kambala is that it has very narrow roads while it is flooded with cars. It has a long way to go before building wide boulevards and highways like Addis. On the other hand, Kampala has much better shopping malls and super markets what wouldn't look out of place in California. In comparison, Addis Ababa's super markets are really a joke! The shopping malls are not all that either though they tend to have nice exterior designs.

By the way, where do you live these days. I know you were once in the US like myself.
Yes, I'm still based in the U.S but travel frequently for business. I'll actually be in Addis Abeba in Nov.
You're right about the Sheraton having great shows on Thursdays and Sundays, though quite expensive. I think Kampala is too small a city to even try to compare to Addis Ababa. The roads are too damn narrow and not so well maintained and the whole city is Amedam. That said, Ugandans are one of the nicest, sincere people I have ever come across. Yes, they do have nice malls and supermarket but who owns them all: non-Ugandans. That's one thing that really saddended me: how all of the country's businesses are owned by foreigners. There is even visible discrimination against Ugandans by these foreigners I've witnessed in stores, it's extremely sad. In fact, I remember my wife telling me how she encountered 'whites-only' pubs in Kampala when she was there for a conference about 5 years ago. It's unbelievable. On another note, have you also noticed the visibly great number of Eritreans residing in Kampala? It caught me by surprise.
 

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Yes, I'm still based in the U.S but travel frequently for business. I'll actually be in Addis Abeba in Nov.
You're right about the Sheraton having great shows on Thursdays and Sundays, though quite expensive. I think Kampala is too small a city to even try to compare to Addis Ababa. The roads are too damn narrow and not so well maintained and the whole city is Amedam. That said, Ugandans are one of the nicest, sincere people I have ever come across. Yes, they do have nice malls and supermarket but who owns them all: non-Ugandans. That's one thing that really saddended me: how all of the country's businesses are owned by foreigners. There is even visible discrimination against Ugandans by these foreigners I've witnessed in stores, it's extremely sad. In fact, I remember my wife telling me how she encountered 'whites-only' pubs in Kampala when she was there for a conference about 5 years ago. It's unbelievable. On another note, have you also noticed the visibly great number of Eritreans residing in Kampala? It caught me by surprise.
Simfan,

Read this yosiast's post and you would get why Kenya is not such an attractive model for development. I do think that's also exactly why Kenya have one of the most spoilt and corrupt Parliament in the world, paying themselves as if they were little kings ... they seem to be saying: if non-Kenyans are making all the money, we might as well get our fair share for looking the other way. The problem is who speaks for the ordinary Kenyans who suffer under this economic colonization? I think Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe is understandably trying to free his people from this economic colonization .. the problem is he never prepared himself for the severe backlash that sunk the whole country!
 

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They've dug a huge trench there ... might as well have built a tunnel like the one in Piassa.
Yea I was actually wondering why the trench needed to be that deep! Plus it looks like the road will not be eight lanes all the way through like Bole Road. This road will be eight lanes in some places and six lanes in others (plus the wide space for the trains in the middle).
 

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yosiast,

Yes, I'm still based in the U.S but travel frequently for business. I'll actually be in Addis Abeba in Nov.
You're right about the Sheraton having great shows on Thursdays and Sundays, though quite expensive. I think Kampala is too small a city to even try to compare to Addis Ababa. The roads are too damn narrow and not so well maintained and the whole city is Amedam. That said, Ugandans are one of the nicest, sincere people I have ever come across. Yes, they do have nice malls and supermarket but who owns them all: non-Ugandans. That's one thing that really saddended me: how all of the country's businesses are owned by foreigners. There is even visible discrimination against Ugandans by these foreigners I've witnessed in stores, it's extremely sad. In fact, I remember my wife telling me how she encountered 'whites-only' pubs in Kampala when she was there for a conference about 5 years ago. It's unbelievable. On another note, have you also noticed the visibly great number of Eritreans residing in Kampala? It caught me by surprise.
You and Addis Alem are right about foreigners owning too many large and small business' in Kampala. Kenya is even worse when it comes to that. Many of these shopping centers/supermarkets are owned by Indians who tend to look down at Black Africans. A lot of top management positions in banks and other large corporations are also held by Indians.

Outside of the downtown area, Kampala has a small town or village like feel to it. But I have heard that the city has a larger population than both Nairobi and Addis Ababa. This can perhaps be attributed to the fact that Uganda very densely populated country compare to its landmass.
 

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Ethiopia and Kenya: Doing it my way

I think you guys should read this article on the issue from The Economist. It's a little long, but I found it to be very interesting:

http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21572379-ideological-competition-between-two-diametrically-opposed-economic-models-doing-it-my

ETHIOPIAN BORDER GUARDS at the arrivals terminal in Metema check every passport against a handwritten list of undesirables to be kept out. This a country in which the state knows best. That may be tiresome for visitors, but it has made Ethiopia one of Africa’s development stars. A newly built road leading away from the border is surrounded by intensively farmed fields of sesame, Ethiopia’s second-biggest export after coffee. Golden bundles of harvested stalks sit on fields flanked by streams. It is a long time since famine-struck 1984, when Bob Geldof sang about the country “where nothing ever grows / No rain or rivers flow / Do they know it’s Christmas time at all?”

Now it is Christmas time in Ethiopia, up to a point. The country has a state-backed policy of boosting the economy and alleviating poverty, carried out by officials with near-dictatorial powers. Markets and foreign investors are allowed but mistrusted. The model borrows from China and is conceived as a rejection of Western free-for-all capitalism. It claims to nurture local employers and protect them from Wall Street predators. The government talks vaguely about moving to a liberal democracy in the future, but that is a long way off. The economy comes first. Meles Zenawi, the country’s late prime minister, developed a vision for the country of 85m that focuses mainly on improving its agriculture, which accounts for 46% of GDP and employs 79% of the workforce.
Some neighbours are following Ethiopia’s state-led development model, most notably Rwanda. Yet other African countries are taking the opposite approach. They have scaled back the role of the state and liberalised markets, embracing a Western model. Kenya, which proudly proclaims itself the homeland of the American president, leads the pack. It has attracted worldwide attention with its successes in telecoms and banking.

So which camp is doing better? The answer is not as straightforward as might be expected. The Ethiopians are more competent at running a big state than, say, the Soviets were. In the late 1990s they methodically set out their goals and have been implementing them with great discipline ever since. They co-ordinate efforts across the country and among departments. Officials monitor progress and change course if necessary. They welcome outside advice and manage to keep corruption remarkably subdued for such a centralised system.

This has produced impressive development gains. Ethiopia has gone from having two universities to 32 in two decades. It has put schools and clinics in most villages. According to foreign donors, infant-mortality rates have fallen by 40% since 2000 and under-five mortality rates by 45%. Ethiopia is still poor: income per person in 2011 was about $400, well below the sub-Saharan average of $1,466. But it has improved rapidly from a very low base, in part thanks to the efforts of the state and its sometimes unorthodox allies.

The official Agricultural Transformation Agency, which aims to raise farm productivity as well as farmers’ share of profits, is led by Khalid Bomba, a former Wall Street banker and staffer at the Gates Foundation. He says Ethiopia may become self-sufficient in food in less than five years, not least because it has amassed the biggest livestock population in Africa, with 50m head of cattle. Mr Bomba’s officials teach husbandry and planting techniques; they also organise co-operatives, distribute seeds, plan irrigation schemes and provide price information.

The results are plain to see. Travelling on the road south-east from Metema, a driver from the capital, Addis Ababa, makes an unannounced stop in a village and has a quick conversation with a farmer by the roadside. Then he drives off abruptly. “I was trying to buy a bag of grain for my wife but it’s no longer a good deal,” he explains. “It used to be 60-70% cheaper out here. The problem is these guys now all know the price in the city.”

Other parts of the economy have been transformed too. The driver is travelling on a smooth tarmac road following the Blue Nile, part of a nationwide roadbuilding programme. It was built in response to the 1980s famine, when plenty of food was available in fertile regions but did not reach the hungry. Alas, the road is mostly empty, with more cows than cars, even though this is the main highway for a region of 18m people. Restrictions on private enterprise are to blame. The government wants farmers to stay on the land rather than try their luck in the city where they might end up in slums and become disgruntled.

Critics have long asked whether Ethiopia’s success story can be believed. Even supporters do not have much faith in official numbers. Annual productivity gains in agriculture are probably not 5-6%, as the official statistics suggest, but more like 2-3%, though that is still impressive. An insider says: “Officials are given targets and then report back what superiors want to hear.” International experts are suspicious of the GDP growth figures of 11% flaunted by the government. They say the actual growth rate is only half that, around 5-7%—which is still respectable.

Critics also ask how much of the country’s economic growth reaches the poorest. To find out, your correspondent hired mules in the central highlands to trek to a series of remote villages at an altitude of 12,000 feet (3,660 metres). Rain lashes lean cows in the dying light as they return from mossy pastures above the treeline. Villagers herd them into straw huts perched atop a deep gorge and tie them up beneath beds mounted on wooden stilts next to an open fire. They are joined in the smoky, dark hut by goats, horses and chickens, all easy prey for jackals and hyenas if left outside overnight. Scientists say people have lived here like this for millennia, and think the region’s deep erosion gorges stem from deforestation caused by early farming.

Today villagers are as cut off as ever. The nearest paved road is several days’ walk away. However, in the past decade they have started receiving government support for the first time. A small state school now offers eight years of education and nurses provide basic health care. “A great gift for us,” says an old woman hunched over a fire. Yet what the government has given it is now threatening to take away again. Huts may be taken down, officials say, to make room for a national park that will earn income from tourists.

The trouble with a big state
The Ethiopian model—competent generosity combined with draconian controls—has run into trouble on several fronts. First, its finances are not working. Inflation reached 40% in 2011. It has now come down to around 15%, but at the price of choking off growth. Addis Ababa is full of half-finished buildings whose owners have run out of money. Foreign-exchange controls keep out much-needed imports. Dollar transfers are compulsorily converted to Ethiopian birr, as your correspondent found out when The Economist wired money from London.

Inflation is kept high by lavish state spending. Vast sums are pumped into roads, schools and hydroelectric dams, but Ethiopia cannot afford this largesse. Interest rates are kept low to reduce borrowing costs, but that discourages saving, exacerbating the shortage of capital. The government gets round this by obliging all banks to divert at least 27% of their loan book to the government. Every fix requires a further fix, though recent oil finds along the country’s southern periphery may eventually change that. The government also hopes new dams will turn it into a regional electricity exporter. But none of this will happen soon.

Nor would it solve Ethiopia’s other big problem. Keeping a large part of the workforce in agriculture is unsustainable in a population that has been almost doubling every generation. Farming communities tend to have high birth rates, and Ethiopia’s, at 4.5 per woman, is at the upper end of the African spectrum. This causes intense pressure on land. The average family plot has shrunk to one hectare, not enough to live well. In the half-mile-deep Blue Nile gorge, terraced fields of wheat, barley and teff (a grass with edible seeds) cling to steep hillsides. Every tiny outcrop is farmed by smallholders.

What Ethiopia needs is urbanisation, which generates new jobs and brings down family size. That requires capital, usually foreign capital. Setting aside their distaste for outside investors and their fear of losing political control, Ethiopian officials have tentatively encouraged private-sector development and a shift toward industrialisation.

Only some of this is working. About 80% of supposedly private business belongs to conglomerates controlled by state loyalists. The late prime minister’s wife runs the main one, EFFORT, which dabbles in everything from banking and shipping to metals, travel and cement, all without public scrutiny. Foreign investors are showing interest, seeing Ethiopia as potentially Africa’s fourth-biggest economy after South Africa, Nigeria and Angola. Travelling south from Addis Ababa the bus passes an Israeli strawberry farm that sells delicious produce by the side of the road. The strawberries come in 500g clear plastic containers just as they do in European supermarkets, where most of the harvest is heading. Some 600 fruit-pickers scramble through tunnels of polythene sheeting to pack the strawberries off to the airport. Farther south in Ziway, Sher Flowers, a Dutch firm, has built greenhouses covering many square miles and employs 12,000 people to grow long-stemmed roses.

But the road also passes the empty buildings of a dozen failed chicken farms. A few years ago foreign investors rushed into Ethiopia to lease agricultural land for commercial farming but encountered a series of obstacles. Land-lease periods were reduced retrospectively from 100 to 50 and then to 25 years. The government often seizes land to hand to investors, rarely consulting or compensating the residents, who are resettled without any say in the matter. Sometimes security forces are deployed to clear land. Army units are accused of beating, raping and torturing villagers who refuse to leave. Some of them fight back. Along the Omo river near the Kenyan border local tribes are battling against a sugar plantation on land they used to inhabit. Fighters wearing body paint and lip rings sit under an acacia tree holding their AK-47s. On December 28th government forces killed 147 of them. Would-be Western investors understandably worry about becoming implicated.

Manufacturing does not look a much safer option. An industrial park south of the capital, built with Chinese help, stands mostly empty. Workers say only 2,000 of the planned 20,000 jobs have materialised. Investors complain about the lack of skilled labour, logistics links and networks of local suppliers.

Further liberalisation is urgently needed in Ethiopia. Banking needs to be unshackled to provide capital to genuine private enterprises. Ethiopian Airlines, the country’s flag-carrier, ought to face domestic competition. Telecoms needs wholesale reform to reap the benefits of the mobile revolution. The phone company has a monopoly because the government fears that modern technology will help the opposition, mindful of the role of Facebook in the Arab spring. It maintains strict controls and, alone in Africa, has nationwide internet filtering. As a result Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates of internet and mobile-phone penetration on the continent.

One of the country’s leading economists reckons that “they have to open up fully to foreign investment or they’ll hit a wall. The model as it is now is unsustainable.” Meles Zenawi tried to make central control work, hoping to remove bottlenecks one at a time, but he found it hard. In the seven months since his death the cronies who succeeded him have done no better. They are wedded to his vision but struggle to implement it.

The rough and tumble of the market
Neighbouring Kenya is much closer to the American model of capitalism. Its state has got smaller. Indeed, crossing the border at Moyale it is hardly noticeable at all. Kenyan immigration checks are lax to the point of being a welcoming ceremony. The town is a gaggle of unkempt buildings. None of the roads is paved and many have been washed out by rain. Hotels have multiple metal gates. The receptionist advises being indoors by 8pm. Kenya’s north has a history of bloody tribal fighting.

But what Moyale lacks in security it makes up for in commercial and political vigour. Half a dozen phone companies vie for customers. Voters queue at registration posts ahead of an election. Politicians with loudspeakers make fiery speeches attacking the government, complaining that all electricity in Moyale is imported from Ethiopia. “Can we not produce our own?” they ask. It seems not, but unlike Ethiopians they can complain about it.

The next day a driver with muscular forearms steers his lorry over deep ruts on a dirt track. The 237 miles from Moyale south to Merille, traversing a featureless desert of black volcanic rock, is the longest unpaved stretch of road your correspondent traversed to cross Africa. Unmade sections in Liberia and Niger are shorter; everywhere else is paved. But even here, bumping along, all manner of goods and people are on the move, throwing up sheets of dust. Growth in intra-African trade has increased vertiginously in the past decade from a low base.

Near the equator and Mount Kenya the land becomes fertile. Farmers sell meat, grain and flowers by the side of the road. But Kenya’s farming population now accounts for less than half of the total. Urbanisation is in full swing. Messy but productive slums on the edge of cities are growing fast. The availability of cheap labour has contributed to GDP growth of 5-7%—roughly on a par with what Western economists reckon is Ethiopia’s actual rate, though the official figures are twice as high.

Kenya cannot rely on income from commodities, any more than Ethiopia can. But unlike its northern neighbour it rarely interferes in markets. Following the election in 2002 of President Mwai Kibaki, who is close to business, the state withdrew from many sectors. It ended price controls and disbanded ineffective coffee and cotton marketing boards. It liberalised foreign-exchange markets and brought in judicial reforms to speed up the resolution of commercial disputes. Some spending decisions on infrastructure will be devolved to local communities.

A main beneficiary of liberalisation has been the technology sector. Mobile-phone penetration is four times that in Ethiopia. The World Bank estimates that mobiles have added 1% a year to Kenya’s GDP growth since 2000. One in two Kenyans uses the internet. Google, Intel, Microsoft, Nokia, Vodafone and IBM are big investors.

Banking has also done well out of a more liberal regime. The number of account-holders has risen from 1m to 20m in the past ten years, and non-performing loans have dropped from 20% to 3%. Finance has become much more diverse. Equity Bank has opened up traditional financial services to the masses, scrapping high fees and minimum deposits. Some 100,000 informal savings groups, known as merry-go-rounds, have sprung up. But the most important innovation has been mobile banking, introduced in 2007 by a local phone operator, Safaricom. More than a third of Kenya’s GDP now flows through M-Pesa, its phone-based money-transfer service. It has five domestic competitors. Late last year Safaricom launched M-Shwari, a mobile savings-and-loan scheme using market interest rates.

Come to Silicon Savannah
The combination of modern technology and ample capital has allowed entrepreneurship to flourish. Start-ups populate what is known as Silicon Savannah in the west of Nairobi, the capital. In an airy loft space on Ngong Road, a few minutes’ walk from its biggest slum, nine internet start-ups are pitching to potential investors who have $50,000 to spare. Groups of 20-somethings explain how they will make it possible for tenants to pay rent for their apartment on the phone or trade second-hand clothing. They speak a language their farmer parents might find confusing, with talk of “seed funds” and “ecosystems”.

To be sure, Kenya has problems. Its elections are free but can be violent. Child and maternal mortality remain stubbornly high. The port in Mombasa is a big bottleneck, thanks to corrupt politicians who block reforms. Crime, corruption and favouritism are rife. The political class is still venal.

Even so, Kenya has the basics right: it is empowering individuals, involving them in important decisions such as the allocation of capital, which in turn attracts more capital from the outside world. The surest sign of success is the emergence of a middle class. A good part of the new riches is trickling down to ordinary people in Kenya.

That puts the country in the vanguard of a pan-African trend. The African Development Bank sees consumer spending across the continent almost doubling in the next ten years. It says the share of households that can afford some discretionary spending is set to grow from 35% in 2000 to 52% in 2020. The consuming class is attracting Western shopkeepers. A subsidiary of Wal-Mart has 300 shops in 14 African countries. Paul Kavuma, who founded Catalyst, a private-equity fund in Nairobi, explains that “a few years ago we didn’t think there were consumers in Africa. Now that’s all we are looking for in investments.”

Kenya’s bet on market-led development has made it the leader in the East African Community, a regional five-country block that has freed up the movement of goods within that grouping. More than half of Kenya’s trade is now with other African countries. Uganda, which has replaced Britain as its biggest trade partner, is combining border checks with its neighbour’s. Yet crossing into Tanzania south of Mombasa the formalities still take half an hour.

The influence of Kenya’s mobile technology is easy to spot. At a bus station an attendant changes dollars into Tanzanian shillings, having checked the latest exchange rate on his phone. Fishermen out at sea use their mobiles to check prices for their catch before deciding where to land their boats. On a journey of nearly 600 miles across the country from Dar es Salaam, the commercial capital, to the Zambian border, the phone signal never falters, and every town has mobile broadband internet. Had there been a hotel in Tunduma, the border village, it could have been booked online. But the only place available is a sticky room with a broken television, welded into a metal case to thwart thieves.
 

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You and Addis Alem are right about foreigners owning too many large and small business' in Kampala. Kenya is even worse when it comes to that. Many of these shopping centers/supermarkets are owned by Indians who tend to look down at Black Africans. A lot of top management positions in banks and other large corporations are also held by Indians.

Outside of the downtown area, Kampala has a small town or village like feel to it. But I have heard that the city has a larger population than both Nairobi and Addis Ababa. This can perhaps be attributed to the fact that Uganda very densely populated country compare to its landmass.
I must tell you all one of the most unforgettable conversations I had in Kampala was with a shoeshiner (Listro) who told me how Uganda's investment/development policies are so misguided in that they are basically promoting a new form of colonialism. An example he gave was that of his hometown, a small village far outside of Kampala where even the smallest local village shops are all owned by Indians. He said this is common throughout Uganda because the government sees them as investors, no matter how small. He said this kills the local economy because owning such a small village shop (souk) doesn't require much capital and can easily be done by Ugandans themselves but they're continuously pushed out by Indians who come with a penny or two more than the locals by borrowing from banks in India and remitting all the profits back to India. So, he asked a wise question at the end of our conversation: "what do we get out of such an arrangement?" It almost brought me to tears. You could only understand the impact of his statement if you see how these same Indians and other foreigners treat Ugandans like dirt in their own country. Truly truly sad...and I still can't believe 'whites-only' pubs still exist in Kampala.
Skyliner: btw, I was in Nairobi when the airport terminal was burned to the ground and rumor at the time was that an influential Indian businessman whose duty-free shop at the airport was closed by the Kenyan government was behind the fire. Has that turned out to be true? false?
 

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I read Haile's most recent interview....and he was explaining why Kenyan athletes don't end up becoming big investors....or even rich......almost all sectors are taken....the only choice they usually have is to go into farming....I don't know how true this is....but Haile is much closer to them.....and when was the last time you heard of famous Kenyan athletes becoming like Haile and the rest...In Ethiopia athletics has become a stepping stone....This is just a small example but it shows you the extent of foreign ownership

http://ethiopianreporter.com/index.php/business-and-economy/item/3209-‹‹አንድ-አትሌት-እንዴት-አሸንፋለሁ-ብሎ-መወሰን-አለበት-እንጂ-እንዴት-ገንዘብ-አገኛለሁ-ብሎ-ካሰበ-ሁለቱንም-ያጣቸዋል››-አትሌት-ኃይሌ-ገብረ-ሥላሴ
 

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Yoniii,
Yosiast,


I wouldn't say 'whites only' but they do, in fact, have white dominated pubs in Kampala. One such pub I've been to is known as the 'Irish Bistro' or something like that. It is sad how they push the Black Africans around as if they are animals in those bars.

I remember that I was in that bar ones and I was pushed by this white dude from behind. I turned around and grabbed him by his shirt till he started apologizing. The craziest part of his apology was that he said: "Sorry my friend, I thought you were a regular African. they don't mind getting pushed. I didn't know you were American".

Yosiast,

In Kenya, money is the law. As long as you got money, you will get away with anything. The Indian man that owned the gift shops at the JKIA had actually literally said that he was going to burn the airport down two days before the actual fire. Apparently the airport authority had taken away his license to operate gift shops there.

The same man was also the center of conspiracy against Somali's a few month back. Apparently, a few bombs had exploded in a Somali neighborhood known as Isily in a Nairobi suburb. It was initially assumed that Al Shabaab was the perpetrator and a huge number of Somali's were deported as a result. It turned out later that same Indian asshole set the whole thing up because the completion from the Somali business community was starting to bankrupt many Indian companies who had traditionally controlled the economy of Kenya.
 

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The Somali neighbourhood is known as Eastleigh (It's a British name that is corrupted by Kenyans such that it is pronounced Isilii).

Indians in Kenya are actually Kenyans. They came in 1895 to build the railway from Mombasa to Kisumu and eventually to Uganda. The British brought them as they were skilled after building the railway in India (which was also a British colony until 1947). Some then returned to India but most then settled in Kenya to do business after that. In Nairobi, due to the racial segregation, they settled in the Northern side of Nairobi mainly in Ngara and Parklands estates. Africans lived to the East of Nairobi and Europeans to the West and South. More Indians came to Kenya during Idi Amin's reign in Uganda as he chased them away and they settled in Kenya. The Indians today are the third generation in Kenya as they were not chased away.
 

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Skyliner: Although those pubs in Kampala may not have a visible 'whites-only' sign on their windows, apparently it's a well known fact that Ugandans are not allowed inside at all. What my wife witnessed there was blatant discrimination when she arrived at one of these irish bars with a whole bunch of her white colleagues and a couple of Ugandans and she noticed how her white colleagues had to explain to the bouncers at the door why they're bringing black people inside. It was shockingly sad and of course once my wife understood what was happening, she refused to enter the bar with her colleagues. Her Ugandan colleagues simply stoodby, heads down and hoping to be allowed inside. Mind you this is their own country. After such an experience, I remember her telling me how she cried at the airport the moment she saw the green, yellow and red colors of our flag on an ET plane. During my stay in Kampala, I didn't bother going out to these places but have witnessed scenes just as bad in shopping malls and hotels. And let's not even bring up South Africa. Anyway, my point about Uganda and Kenya (and most African countries in general) is that the liberal economic model continuously touted by the West as being the saviour of the continent is truly a means for a new form of colonialism. Thus, I'm actually quite glad that the Ethiopian government is so protective of the Banking and Finance, Telecoms, and other critical sectors of the economy that has resulted in almost all businesses being owned and operated by Ethiopians themselves. Why should we become 2nd class citizens in our own country.
 

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The Somali neighbourhood is known as Eastleigh (It's a British name that is corrupted by Kenyans such that it is pronounced Isilii).

Indians in Kenya are actually Kenyans. They came in 1895 to build the railway from Mombasa to Kisumu and eventually to Uganda. The British brought them as they were skilled after building the railway in India (which was also a British colony until 1947). Some then returned to India but most then settled in Kenya to do business after that. In Nairobi, due to the racial segregation, they settled in the Northern side of Nairobi mainly in Ngara and Parklands estates. Africans lived to the East of Nairobi and Europeans to the West and South. More Indians came to Kenya during Idi Amin's reign in Uganda as he chased them away and they settled in Kenya. The Indians today are the third generation in Kenya as they were not chased away.
Samounde,

I don't think it matters much whether the Indians arrived in Kenya 500 years ago or just arrived, the fact of the matter remains that native black
Kenyans should never settle for second class citizens in their own country. There is just no excuse. Yes, this is the 21st C. and even the United States does everything it can to attract foreign investement, but never powerful colonizing investors that would push natives out of the game! No country should allow that under any circumstances.

Yosiast,

That story about your wife tearing up at the sight of the national flag was so moving. I almost teared up myself. lol

By the way, I do believe that no one in Africa rivals the indomitable entrepreneurial spirit of the Somalis! Look at the companies and factories they are running even in the face of anarchy and bloody terrorism, and the businesses they run in foreign countries as refugees. I would say they are hands down the best in Africa! ... if only they could do away with their clan politics ....
 

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Samounde,

I don't think it matters much whether the Indians arrived in Kenya 500 years ago or just arrived, the fact of the matter remains that native black
Kenyans should never settle for second class citizens in their own country. There is just no excuse. Yes, this is the 21st C. and even the United States does everything it can to attract foreign investement, but never powerful colonizing investors that would push natives out of the game! No country should allow that under any circumstances.

Yosiast,

That story about your wife tearing up at the sight of the national flag was so moving. I almost teared up myself. lol

By the way, I do believe that no one in Africa rivals the indomitable entrepreneurial spirit of the Somalis! Look at the companies and factories they are running even in the face of anarchy and bloody terrorism, and the businesses they run in foreign countries as refugees. I would say they are hands down the best in Africa! ... if only they could do away with their clan politics ....

In Kenya, money talks. If you are deemed poor then you will not be treated the same as a rich person. Even if you are both entitled to the same service. I can get into any place I want to in Kenya unless its a members only place and such places have a mix of all races. Kenya is a free country where somebody can also be born poor and make it in life. The current deputy president used to sell chicken in Eldoret, Kenya's 5th largest urban centre. Yes I don't refuse that whites and Indians have easier lives but its mainly because they are rich to start with. But the richest people in Kenya are blacks.
 

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In Kenya, money talks. If you are deemed poor then you will not be treated the same as a rich person. Even if you are both entitled to the same service. I can get into any place I want to in Kenya unless its a members only place and such places have a mix of all races. Kenya is a free country where somebody can also be born poor and make it in life. The current deputy president used to sell chicken in Eldoret, Kenya's 5th largest urban centre. Yes I don't refuse that whites and Indians have easier lives but its mainly because they are rich to start with. But the richest people in Kenya are blacks.
I respect the Kenyans and Ugandans for being welcoming and accommodating,,,, I don't see any problems with Indians or Chinese or Turks or any body else choosing to settle in my country ,,,I object to xenophobia anywhere in the world ,,,
of course I have a different view when it comes to foreign corporate's putting local national establishments out of business,,, since corporate's are governed by a different law and they are the economic arms of their respective nations set up to accumulate economic assets for the state that set them up. And I dont think any nation will be happy to see its economic assets that could have benefited it being owned by another state.
 
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