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We know they've broken the law by destroying public properties, extortion and other preman's actions. We also know that they're in cohort with another preman group, the FBR. So, why are these preman's still allowed to openly operate in public? I'm going to start a preman watch website, who want to help me out?

Thinking about calling it PremanWatch.com
 

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Udangnya itu adalah... Dulu yang beking kan jenderal2...oopss... FPI itu kebanyakan isinya preman berjubah, ada juga beberapa yang baik (sebagian kecil sekali). Misi utamanya bukan dakwah, walaupun ada dakwah tapi bukan yang utama, kalaupun dakwah kategori dakwahnya itu sebenarnya jauh dari dakwah yang diterapkan Rasul jaman dahulu (tanpa pengerusakan/intimidasi). Yang jelas FPI menarik upeti dari pengusaha2 hiburan/restoran. Kalo ini memang bener, karena saya tahu sumbernya sendiri dari salah seorang pengusaha restoran.

Tidak mungkin bisa dibubarkan karena UU menjamin kebebasan membentuk organisasi. Selama organisasi itu tidak melakukan kejahatan luar biasa, seperti terorisme (banyak korban jiwa (meninggal) berjatuhan) tidak bisa dibubarkan serta merta. Tapi kalau pengerusakan, pengeroyokan, kenanya tindakan kriminal biasa.
 

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kalo ngomongin melulu nanti lama kelamaan cinta loh! hehehe :) if you feel disturbed why don't you try to send as many smses to the polda hotline :) maybe they will solve the problem
 

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Betul kata Farean, rajin2lah mengirim sms ke POLDA 1717.

Kemarin gw protes kenapa mereka (polisi) membolehkan mobil pribadi masuk jalur busway di Mampang. Padahal, walaupun akhirnya mobil2nya dimasukin, toh MACET juga! Keputusan polisi tidak menyelesaikan masalah, malah menambah masalah, bus tije menjadi ikut macet.

Nah akhirnya yang jadi korban adalah buswaynya. Yang tadinya gak macet, jadi macet. Kalau kayak begini kan sama saja ibaratnya 'kita kena kecelakaan udah bagus temennya gak kena celaka, eh malah sengaja dicelakain'.

Kalau mau improving our condition our country, rajin2lah melapor ke SBY, POLDA, KPK, dan instansi pemerintah lain. Yakinlah akan ditanggapi, orang kirim ancaman bom 'murahan' aja ditanggapi ama polisi...



kalo ngomongin melulu nanti lama kelamaan cinta loh! hehehe :) if you feel disturbed why don't you try to send as many smses to the polda hotline :) maybe they will solve the problem
 

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Kalau begitu politik di Indonesia belum bersih dunk:eek:hno: , gue paling sebel yang berbuat anarkis mengatasnamakan Islam. Udah diseluruh dunia Islam namanya lagi jelek lagi karena teroris:eek:hno: ...

Padahal kalau mau aman jangan main hakim sendiri, dan yang menilai seseorang itu baik-buruknya yang di Atas, tidak boleh memaksakan perbedaan pendapat orang lain yang berbeda tapi coba berdialog....:banana:

Gimana cepat majunya wong sering ribut sesama bangsa....:eek:hno: :eek:hno:
 

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Yup the only way to counter them is to lapor and smsin sebanyak2 nya. coba aja ngancem bom and mengatas namakan FPI, Pasti bakal cepet respons ;)lol

please stop making these FPI threads...to tell you the truth, they are annoying, simply just annoying,since most of us live abroad I don't think you would find the slightest grand solution to bener2 stop them here...or any other forum (e.g AF) ... this does not mean that I support them....
 

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Asylum

Saya lama tercenung membaca draf affidavit pasangan suami Salim (bukan nama sebenarnya, muslim pribumi) dan istri Lia (juga bukan nama sebenarnya, Buddhis keturunan Tionghoa) yang akan diajukan dalam sidang permohonan asylum. Dengan ketiga anaknya, keluarga asal Jakarta ini sedang meminta suaka Pemerintah Amerika Serikat melalui pengadilan kota Philadelphia. Atas rujukan Leonard Swidler, profesor saya di Temple University, saya diminta pengacara pasangan tersebut menjadi saksi ahli dalam persidangan itu, jika mau.

Dari pengakuan tertulis Salim dan Lia terlukis betapa pedih beban kehidupan sosial pasangan kawin campur ini. Karena Undang-Undang Perkawinan Nomor 1/1974, di atas kertas, mereka menikah secara Islam. Tapi, dalam kenyataan, kedua pihak menjalani praktek keagamaan sesuai keyakinannya masing-masing. Maka, konflik keluarga, pemencilan sosial, ancaman, sampai kekerasan fisik dan trauma psikologis terus membayangi kehidupan keduanya dan ketiga anak-anak mereka.

Secara khusus FPI disebut sebagai kelompok Islam radikal yang amat mereka takuti. Selama ada kelompok semacam itu, selama sistem hukum kita masih tidak dibenahi, nasib orang seperti mereka tidak akan aman di mana pun di bumi Indonesia. Begitu alasannya. Sehingga mengajukan permohonan pindah kewarganegaraan --tentu dengan biaya tidak kecil-- kepada negara seperti Amerika Serikat, yang dipercaya mampu menjamin hak-hak warganya, dianggap sebagai jalan keluar terbaik buat mereka.

Permohonan pasangan itu juga telah didukung seorang Indonesianis ternama, berdasarkan pertimbangan analisis politik ekonomi yang menjadi bidangnya.

Memilah

Lama saya masih terus tercenung, antara "ya" dan "tidak" untuk memenuhi permintaan sebagai saksi di pengadilan. Saya tahu, ada begitu banyak orang yang benar-benar bernasib sebagaimana dituturkan pasangan itu, bahkan yang lebih tragis, baik yang bisa meninggalkan Tanah Air maupun tidak. Menolong orang-orang yang teraniaya seperti itu, termasuk jika mereka terpaksa memilih menanggalkan kewarganegaraan, buat saya, adalah kewajiban kemanusiaan.

Sementara itu, seperti dalam semua kasus, ada juga orang-orang yang sengaja "mengail di air keruh", yang mengaku-ngaku telah jadi korban kekerasan agama atau penganiayaan etnis. Ada yang melakukan manipulasi dengan sengaja, ada pula yang "terpaksa". Untuk orang-orang demikian, saya harus menolak tegas. Upaya meraih "hidup lebih baik" adalah hak semua orang. Tapi memanipulasi kenyataan, termasuk dengan menistakan kelompok atau agama lain demi keuntungan pribadi, adalah kejahatan.

Terutama sejak kerusuhan Mei 1998, melimpah dan mendasarnya soal asylum di kalangan warga Indonesia (umumnya keturunan Tionghoa) di Amerika itulah yang membuat saya kini tercenung. Jika tidak mau menolong orang yang memang berhak, saya bersalah. Jika menolong orang yang sebetulnya tidak berhak, saya juga salah. Sejauh ini, memang telah banyak permohonan asylum warga Indonesia yang dikabulkan, meski banyak juga yang ditolak.

Manipulasi

Antara lain, inilah kisah yang membuat saya termangu. Meski permohonan asylum-nya telah ditolak, Anwar, seorang pekerja asal Pasuruan, Jawa Timur, bertekad tidak segera pulang ke Indonesia. Akibatnya, selama berbulan-bulan ia harus mendekam di penjara imigrasi Philadelphia, menunggu jadwal deportasi. Tadinya saya heran, sebagai muslim, nalar apa kiranya yang masuk akal buat dia dan keluarganya untuk "lari" dari Indonesia dan minta asylum Pemerintah Amerika Serikat?

Rupanya, entah karena terpaksa atau sengaja, konon ia merangkai cerita yang dianggap paling masuk akal buat menjustifikasi permohonan asylum-nya. Bahwa ia adalah anggota salah satu kelompok Islam yang dikejar-kejar di Indonesia. Celakanya, mungkin karena keluguannya, ia tidak tahu bahwa belakangan ternyata nama kelompok yang diakunya itu justru termasuk kategori "kelompok teroris" dalam daftar Pemerintah Amerika Serikat. Jadilah ia seperti tikus yang dengan sukarela mendatangi sendiri perangkapnya.

Istri Anwar yang belum lama menyusul dan tengah hamil tua amat shock mendapati gantungan hidupnya di negeri orang kini harus meringkuk di penjara. Ia pun melahirkan bayi secara prematur. Mengusung mimpi indahnya dari kampung, kini di Amerika, Khonik, si perempuan itu, hidup tanpa siapa-siapa, tanpa apa-apa, kecuali bersama si bayi dan anak pertamanya yang baru berumur tujuh tahun.

Tentu komunitas Indonesia di Philadelphia banyak yang mengulurkan tangan. Tapi, dengan keadaan mereka yang umumnya pekerja "non-status", siapa yang bisa sepenuhnya membantu tiga nyawa entah sampai kapan. Maka, ketika bayi merahnya baru berumur dua bulan, Khonik memaksakan diri bekerja di luar secara ilegal. Anak pertamanya diwanti-wanti supaya jangan sampai lalai menjaga si kecil.

Tapi, astagfirullah, betapa malang! Si bayi terjatuh hingga mengalami perdarahan di otak. Saking bingungnya, ketika ditanya petugas rumah sakit sehari berikutnya, penjelasan Khonik banyak yang tidak nyambung dengan fakta. Karena Khonik dianggap mencurigakan, polisi pun dihubungi. Dengan bahasa Inggris yang cuma "yes" dan "no", dalam interogasi itu omongan Khonik dianggap makin tidak keruan. Si bayi akhirnya diambil alih oleh pemerintah karena sebagai orangtua Khonik dinilai tidak becus mengurus anak. Beberapa minggu kemudian, perempuan yang "sudah jatuh tertimpa tangga" ini bahkan dijebloskan ke penjara kriminal kota Philadelphia dengan tuduhan melalaikan anak.

Mendengar cerita istri saya yang baru menyaksikan keadaan terakhir Khonik di penjara, hati saya tersayat-sayat. Apa yang kiranya akan dilakukan pemerintah kita untuk melindungi para warga seperti pelaku-pelaku cerita di atas. Juga terhadap pelaku cerita-cerita serupa lainnya, yang tidak cuma dua atau tiga? Baik ketika mereka berada di Tanah Air maupun ketika telah meninggalkannya demi perubahan nasib yang lebih baik. Makhluk seperti apakah "nasionalisme" bagi mereka?

Kekerasan Agama dan Etnis

Lalu, terlepas dari kisah kasus per kasus, apa artinya bahwa kekerasan agama dan etnis telah menjadi alasan paling masuk akal bagi begitu banyak warga kita yang mengajukan asylum di negara seperti Amerika? Salah satu jawabannya jelas bahwa hubungan antar-agama dan etnis yang selama ini diyakini sebagai suatu perekat primer kehidupan bangsa kita sesungguhnya kini dalam keadaan amat mencekam.

Maka, pujian diri soal toleransi dan keramahan Islam sebagai mayoritas yang sering dilakukan sebagian kiai itu tidak akan bisa diterima siapa pun kecuali oleh kelompoknya sendiri jika perusakan gereja masih terus terjadi, penyesatan kelompok lain terus lantang dikumandangkan, dan sebagai pemeluk keyakinan atau anggota etnis tertentu masing-masing pribadi tidak bisa aman dan bebas menjalankan keyakinan atau menyandang identitas dirinya. Konflik seperti terjadi di Poso lebih merupakan tengara kerapuhan ketimbang perkecualian situasi relasi sosial kita yang sesungguhnya.

Benar kata Isaiah Berlin dalam karya klasiknya, Four Essays On Liberty. Kemerdekaan negatif, "kemerdekaan dari" (freedom from), yakni absennya campur tangan pihak lain bukanlah kebebasan sesungguhnya. Ia pun tidak terlalu sulit ditegakkan. Sebaliknya, demi kemerdekaan hakiki, kemerdekaan positif, "kemerdekaan untuk" (freedom for), suatu kelompok sering merasa berhak menaklukkan kelompok lain dengan merampas kemerdekaan mereka. Banyak orang pun merasa sumpek bahkan teraniaya di negeri sendiri, seperti terpantul dari kisah-kisah asylum di atas. Karena itu, kemerdekaan positif harus selalu dikawal ketat oleh tata hukum yang kuat jika kemerdekaan yang sesungguhnya buat semua orang hendak diwujudkan.

Yang juga tercermin pada kasus asylum itu adalah betapa jika punya pilihan, kehidupan di negeri sendiri kini agaknya demikian tidak menarik bagi sebagian warga kita. Sebabnya jelas: pemerintah kita tidak berdaya dalam mengelola kehidupan sosial dan menjamin hak-hak rakyatnya. Para peminta asylum seumpama layang-layang yang terputus talinya. "Tertolak" di negeri sendiri, entah nasibnya di negeri seberang. Ia bagian dari potret wajah kegagalan negeri kita.

Di situ, alih-alih menjadi perekat, hubungan antar-agama dan etnis kini tampak sebagai guratan luka bangsa yang menganga.

Achmad Munjid
Kandidat Doktor Bidang Religious Studies, Temple University, Philadelphia, Amerika Serikat
[Kolom, Gatra Nomor 26 Beredar Kamis, 10 Mei 2007]
 

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Aduhhh, terorisme dan kekerasan anarkis tidak ada hubungannya dengan SARA ...apalagi ISLAM ...,.

Contoh ...kasus VIRGIN TECH ...dengan Kerusuhan ARGENTINA baru2 ini... :D ....dan juga kasus ragging antara senior-junior d SMA Pangudi Luhur yang berlarut-larut dan masuk pembicaraan hot di koran KOMPAS baru2 ini ....;)
 

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Ketika melepas kebebasan berpendapat dan berorganisasi paska reformasi ... kita mesti tahu konsekuensi dari segala perbuatan kita...

Dengan melepas hal2 itu ... media dan surat kabar kita pun memperoleh kebebasan berekspresi, kaum minoritas "lebih" didengarkan suaranya, orang (seharusnya) tidak malu menunjukkan identitas keagamaan (contoh: Inneke Koesherawati merasa perlu pake jilbab, ya pake ajaa.... Agnes Monica setiap acara shownya pake Kalung Salib ... gak masalah tuhh)

Nahh, dasar hukum aja udah mendukung kebebasan berpendapat, kalo mo membubarkan FPI, amandemen aja UU nya ....kalo dikaitkan dengan politik ... for the good sake, tidak akan ada bersih2nya ;)

Amandemennya juga mesti hati-hati biar hal2 seperti (kebebasan berekspresi, kaum minoritas "lebih" didengarkan suaranya, orang (seharusnya) tidak malu menunjukkan identitas keagamaan) tidak tersakiti ...

Jangan demi memusnahkan FPI (dari jalur UU), hal2 "indah" tersebut jadi lenyap .....
 

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Politic is not about black and white, it's not about right or wrong, or clean and dirty, they are GREY. They aren't on one side. Your 'belum bersih' statement is nothing to do with politic. Or if i reversed the question, what is pure clean politic likes?

Kalau begitu politik di Indonesia belum bersih dunk:eek:hno: :eek:hno:
 

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If it's anyone that FPI despises, it would be this guy...
--------------------------------------------------------------

THE WEEKEND INTERVIEW

The Last King of Java
Indonesia's former president offers a model of Muslim tolerance.

BY BRET STEPHENS
Saturday, April 7, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT



JAKARTA, Indonesia--Suppose for a moment that the single most influential religious leader in the Muslim world openly says "I am for Israel." Suppose he believes not only in democracy but in the liberalism of America's founding fathers. Suppose that, unlike so many self-described moderate Muslims who say one thing in English and another in their native language, his message never alters. Suppose this, and you might feel as if you've descended into Neocon Neverland.

In fact, you have arrived in Jakarta and are sitting in the small office of an almost totally blind man of 66 named Abdurrahman Wahid. A former president of Indonesia, he is the spiritual leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), an Islamic organization of some 40 million members. Indonesians know him universally as Gus Dur, a title of affection and respect for this descendant of Javanese kings. In the U.S. and Europe he is barely spoken of at all--which is both odd and unfortunate, seeing as he is easily the most important ally the West has in the ideological struggle against Islamic radicalism.

Conversation begins with some old memories. In the early 1960s, Mr. Wahid, whose paternal grandfather founded the NU in 1926 and whose father was Indonesia's first minister of religious affairs, won a scholarship to Al-Azhar University in Cairo, which for 1,000 years had been Sunni Islam's premier institution of higher learning. Mr. Wahid hated it.

"These old sheikhs only let me study Islam's traditional surras in the old way, which was rote memorization," he recalls, speaking in the excellent English he learned as a young man listening to the BBC and Voice of America. "Before long I was fed up. So I spent my time reading books from the USIS [United States Information Service], the Egyptian National Library, and at the cinema. I used to watch three, four movies a day."

As Mr. Wahid saw it, the basic problem with Al-Azhar was that the state interfered in its affairs and demanded intellectual conformity--a lesson he carries with him to the present day. In 1966 he left Cairo for Baghdad University, where he encountered much the same thing: "The teaching [suffered from] conventionalism. You were not allowed to go your own way."

Here Mr. Wahid digresses into Islamic history. "In the second century of Islam, the Imam al-Shafi'i began remodeling the religion," he says. "He put into place the mechanism of understanding everything through law [Shariah]. Now people can't talk about that anymore. We cannot attack al-Shafi'i."

The point is crucial to Mr. Wahid's understanding of Islam as being something broader, deeper and better than the tradition-bound view of life imposed by traditional schools of Islamic law (all the more striking because Mr. Wahid is himself a leading theologian of the Shafi'i school). It is equally crucial to Mr. Wahid's politics, not to mention his relaxed approach to social issues.

"The globalization of ethics is always frightening to people, particularly Islamic radicals," he says in reference to a question about the so-called pornoaksi legislation. For the past three years Indonesian politics have been roiled by an Islamist attempt to label anything they deem sexually arousing to be a form of "porno-action." Mr. Wahid sees this as an assault on pancasila, Indonesia's secularist state philosophy from the time of its founding. He also sees it as an assault on common sense. "Young people like to kiss each other," he says, throwing his hands in the air. "Why not? Just because old people don't do it doesn't mean it's wrong."

Mr. Wahid is equally relaxed about some of the controversies that have recently erupted between Muslims and the West. Pope Benedict's Regensburg speech from last September was "a good speech, though as usual he pointed to the wrong times and the wrong cases." As for the furor over the Danish cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad, he asks "why should we be angry?" And he dismisses Sheikh Yusuf Qaradawi, the al-Jazeera preacher who helped incite the cartoon riots, as an "angry, conventional" thinker.

What really concerns Mr. Wahid is what he sees as the increasingly degraded state of the Muslim mind. That problem is becoming especially acute at Indonesian universities and in the pesantren--the religious boarding schools that graduate hundreds of thousands of students every year. "We are experiencing the shallowing of religion," he says, bemoaning the fact that the boarding schools persist in teaching "conventional"--that word again--Islam.

But Mr. Wahid's critique is not just of formal Islamic education. He also attacks the West's philosophy of positivism, which, he says, "relies too much on the idea of conquering knowledge and mastering scientific principles alone." This purely empirical and essentially soulless view of things, broadly adopted by Indonesia's secular state universities, gives its students a bleak choice: "Either they follow the process or they are outside the process."

As a result, Western-style education in Indonesia has come to represent not just secularism but the negation of religion, to which too many students have responded by embracing fundamentalism. At the University of Indonesia, for example, an estimated three in four students are members or sympathizers of the "Prosperous Justice Party," or PKS, an ultra-radical Islamic party.

This raises the subject of religion and politics. "For us, an Islamic party is not a thing to follow," he says, adding that "religion and morality is tied to person, not a party." To illustrate the point, he observes that religious parties in the Muslim world have more often been the handmaids of dictatorship than democracy. "Whenever governments tried to enforce their institutions they use 'Islamic' people as potential allies." The Front for the Defense of Islam (FPI), a radical vigilante group that uses violent means to suppress "un-Islamic" behavior, was, he observes, originally a creature of the Indonesian military.

So why did Mr. Wahid, as a religious leader, make the choice to go into politics himself? He demurs at the suggestion of choice. "I am against politics, so to speak. In 1984 I tried hard to convince people that the NU should not be in politics." He was overruled by others in the organization, and eventually he founded the Party of National Awakening, or PKB. Yet the party, he insists, is "based on non-Islamic principles," a fact he illustrates by pointing to a nearby aide who is an Indonesian Protestant. "We have to go for plurality, for tolerance."

He also believes that the "only solution" to the challenge of Islamic radicalization in Indonesia is more democracy. But what about the example of Hamas, which came to power through democratic means, and of other groups like Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood that would probably do the same if given the chance? Mr. Wahid's answer is to distinguish between what he calls "full democratization" and the "hollow imitation of democracy" that he sees taking place in Indonesia as well as among Arabs in Palestine and Iraq.

"The problem is not personalities, it is institutions," he says. "For the past 250 years the Americans have had not just Jefferson's concept of the rights of the individual but also Alexander Hamilton's belief in a strong state." In order to function properly, democracy requires competent government that can effectively uphold the rule of law. It also requires a broadly understood concept of self-rule, which is missing in too much of the developing world: "Here, ordinary citizens expect the government to do everything for them."

He therefore takes a fairly dim view of Iraq's democratic prospects. "Iraqis understood that Saddam had caused them trouble," and were grateful to be rid of him, he says. "But as for the U.S. concept of democracy, they don't understand it at all." The problem, he adds, goes double in the rest of the Arab world, where, he says, the prevailing view is that being a democracy is an expression of weakness, while being a dictatorship is a sign of strength.

What's needed, in other words, is for countries like Indonesia and Iraq to find a way to combine effective government with a powerful respect for the rights of the citizen. But how one goes about doing that is itself a deeper problem, a problem of culture. "How do we follow the West without [becoming] Westerners? How do you do that? I don't know."

In fact, Mr. Wahid has begun to develop an answer through two organizations he chairs, the Wahid Institute, run by his daughter Yenny, and LibForAll, an Indonesia- and U.S.-based nonprofit run by American C. Holland Taylor, which works to discredit Islamism's ideology of hatred. "It's up to LibForAll to introduce both sides to Muslims; to show that common principles are also the principles of Islam," Mr. Wahid says. "Hundreds of thousands of Muslim youth learn in countries where there is technological modernity. We need to [nurture] the emergence of a new kind of people who think in terms of being modern but still relate to the past."

In fact, that perfectly describes Mr. Wahid, who is keenly aware of his own roots in both Islamic and Javanese traditions. Among his ancestors are the last Hindu-Buddhist king of the Javanese Majapahit dynasty, and Sunan Kalijogo, a Sufi mystic who married Islamic and local traditions and, according to lore, defeated Islamic extremism in the 16th century. Can Mr. Wahid, heir to this venerable tradition, accomplish the same feat? "Right now, the fundamentalists think they're winning," he once told a friend. "But they're going to wake up one day and realize we beat them."

Mr. Stephens writes "Global View," The Wall Street Journal's foreign affairs column.
 

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the problem with islam is that.. muslims keep talking about this perfect islam that is so pure and perfect.. and all i see are some muslim doing really bad things (not all of them, I love Gus Dur.. hehe). I'm confused here?? What islam r some of u talking about??
 

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I think the problems Islam can't really open tell the truth:eek:hno: . I am also Islam.....I am really agree with GUS DUR. Some of part of Islam in Indonesia sometimes to puss others peoples to own rules, that I hate it....:eek:hno:
 

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Whatever religion whether going to a church, temple, mosque or anything else:

Violence should not be tolerated!

The police and army should use the maximum force to end violence.
 
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