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I'd like to know your feelings about Liverpool's Militant Tendency. I was on the periphery at the time and never felt the impact they had on Liverpool. I've broken up the Cutting Edge documentary due to Youtube's 10 minute max.

Cutting Edge: Comrades (1992)
"Documentary on Liverpool's Militant Tendency, following former Labour party MP and Militant member Terry Fields on his general election campaign. Militant members encountered are Mick Daley (who runs their creche), Julie McCann (the Housing Benefit Officer) and Mike Morris (organiser of the Anti-Poll Tax Federation). Labour MP Frank Dunne, who investigates Militant infiltration into the Labour Party, and sends incriminating photographs to Labour's National Exectutive, states that Militant is a dangerous political influence in Liverpool. On the campaign trail for Terry Fields, Labour candidate Jane Kennedy's campaign literature explains that she was partly responsible for ridding Liverpool of Militant, and Paddy Ashdown is seen getting a rough ride in a derelict housing estate when he accompanies Liberal Democrat candidate Rosemary Cooper. Fields comes third in the election behind the official Labour candidate. Militant members sing the Internationale at a rousing post-election party."






 

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See also Liverpool 47 : Socialism on Trial : Liverpool City Council 1983 - 1987
Legacy of the Liverpool battle:

• 6,300 families rehoused from tenements, flats and maisonettes
• 2,873 tenement flats demolished
• 1,315 walk-up flats demolished
• 2,086 flats/maisonettes demolished
• 4,800 houses and bungalows built
• 7,400 houses and flats improved
• 600 houses/bungalows created by ‘top-downing’ 1,315 walk-up flats
• 25 new Housing Action Areas being developed
• 6 new nursery classes built and open
• 17 Community Comprehensive Schools established following a massive re-organisation
• £10million spent on school improvements
• Five new sports centres, one with a leisure pool attached, built and open
• Two thousand additional jobs provided for in Liverpool City Council Budget
• Ten thousand people per year employed on Council’s Capital Programme
• Three new parks built
• Rents frozen for five years
 

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Thanks adman for posting this. I've just watched it all the way through - they just don't make documentaries like this anymore! I love the footage of Frank Dunne dancing through the streets with his camera, and I like the way that documentaries were filmed without the need for any background music attempting to further manipulate our emotions.

I'm not going to get into arguments about the legacy of Militant, as I was a child when they were a force and a lot of what is said about them, and what they say about themselves, is quite Stalinist. However, my mum and our neighbour were Labour party members, members of CND and any other solidarity movement going, but they would not have anything to do with Militant. They vilified their name. They must have had their 'bourgeoise' reasons.
 

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The Socialist 30 June 2009

25 years ago: Liverpool - a city that dared to fight

Council's historic victory over the Thatcher government


Liverpool City Council demonstration, November 1983, photo Paul Traynor

ON 9 July 1984 Liverpool City council, led by Militant (the Socialist Party's predecessor), won a sensational victory over the ruthless Tory government of Margaret Thatcher.

They secured extra funding for the council's urban regeneration programme.

The principled stand by the 47 Liverpool Labour councillors, allied to a mass movement of the city's workers and wider working class, stands in stark contrast to today's sleazy and spineless Labour leaders.

Tony Mulhearn, one of the Liverpool councillors subsequently victimised by the state and witch-hunted by the Labour Party leadership, explains the successful struggle 25 years ago.


"DANEGELD," THUNDERED the Times. Danegeld was the tribute in gold demanded from the English rulers in the thirteenth century by the invading Danes in exchange for not engaging in pillage and plunder.

"Two unlovely black eyes," declared the Daily Mail, when it condemned the Tory environment secretary Patrick Jenkin's retreat over additional funding for Liverpool City council in 1984. It wrote: "The Trotskyites and others of the hard left who run Liverpool have had the best of the fight with him in their threat to defy the law on that city's overspending."

"A cowardly deal" was the headline of the Daily Express which went on: "Patrick Jenkin seems to have bought himself some peace from the Militant-led Liverpool City council. This is a shoddy and cowardly deal... Mr Jenkin has shown that defiance pays."

These headlines were just some of the reactions to the Militant-led Liverpool City council's success in securing £30 million from the Thatcher government on 9 July 1984.

In contrast to the outrage expressed by the media were the scenes of exultation that greeted the councillors when they reported the outcome of the negotiations with Jenkin to a 600-strong meeting of the Liverpool District Labour Party.

Programme


Liverpool City Council: Celebrating the climb down of government minister Patrick Jenkin, granting Liverpool City Council more money, photo John Smith

Liverpool was the only council to secure extra funding from a Thatcher government wedded to the principles of monetarism espoused by the likes of economists Milton Friedman and Frederick Hayek, whose monetarist model was also embraced by Chile's bloodthirsty dictator Augusto Pinochet with murderous consequences for the Chilean working class.

This victory enabled the council to carry out its electoral programme, included the building of 5,000 houses, opening six new sports centres, creating 2,000 jobs and refusing to carry out £10 million worth of cuts which had been the legacy of the Liberal/Tory alliance which had ruled Liverpool for the previous 20 years, with a short interregnum of Labour rule.

This anniversary is particularly significant as it occurs at a time of national and global capitalist upheaval, and the mind-boggling revelations about the behaviour of MPs who have aped the actions of the greedy bankers by using every phoney device to stuff their pockets with gold.

The next thing to come under the spotlight should be the lucrative consultancies and directorships of MPs and ex-ministers who have become millionaires overnight having presided over the privatisation of publicly-owned companies.

Also, temporarily hidden from the public gaze, the private porkers in the financial sector continue to stack up personal wealth. A couple of examples show that, in spite of the near-criminal activity of the bankers, Peter Mandelson's philosophy of 'being relaxed about people being filthy rich' is alive and well and, in spite of Brown's bluster about 'responsible banking,' continues to shape the outlook of New Labour.

In 2008, in the midst of the economic crisis, bankers earned on average £255,000 more than their counterparts in other branches of private industry. Incredibly Northern Rock's non-executive directors' salaries rose by 33% after it was nationalised.

Recently, City sources revealed that RBS, bailed out by the taxpayer, and milch cow for Fred 'the Shred' Goodwin, made a deal with its head of global banking John Hourican which grants him a package which, given the rise in the RBS share price, doubles his stake on paper to £11 million in two months. And only last week the government approved a £10 million remuneration package to Goodwin's successor, Stephen Hester.

Against these figures, the frame-up against the 47 Liverpool Labour councillors by the District Auditor, who charged them with losing the Liverpool rate payers £106,000, is truly grotesque.

Terry Fields and Dave Nellist were two MPs who gave unconditional support to the Liverpool City council and who were expelled from Labour as a result of the witch-hunt unleashed by the then Labour Party leader (now Lord) Neil Kinnock.

His Lordship has been uncharacteristically silent about the 'grotesque chaos'* overwhelming a Parliamentary Labour Party that, as a consequence of his action in unleashing a pogrom to cleanse Labour of socialists, no longer remotely reflects the interests of the working class (* the scurrilous term used by Neil Kinnock in his infamous 1985 Labour Party conference speech to attack the Liverpool 47).

In contrast to the behaviour of the current crop of charlatans, Terry, Dave and later Pat Wall in Bradford, accepted only the average wage of the workers they represented who were working in industry.

It is a tribute to their dedication to socialism that their names are mentioned more and more over the airwaves and in the local press during public discussion on the current parliamentary revelations. For example, I was contacted by Radio Merseyside to explain the role of Terry Fields as a firefighters' rep and MP in the context of the present parliamentary bacchanalia.

Record


Militant Rally in Liverpool 9 April 1984. Steve Sullivan, a miner from Sutton Manor mine speaking at St George's Hall, photo Jacob Sutton

The passage of time has not diminished the achievements of the 47, nor undermined the importance of the struggle. In spite of the distortions of establishment spokespersons, aided and abetted by the lies of right wing parliamentarians and trade union leaders, the record of the 47 remains stubbornly intact.

The 47 inherited a catastrophic financial situation when they took control in 1983. The outgoing Liberal-Tory alliance had deliberately underspent throughout the 1970s as a cynical ploy to maintain electoral support. In one year they actually cut the rates (a forerunner of today's council tax).

This was achieved by increasing rents, terminating the house-building programme and shedding thousands of jobs, in addition to cuts in other sectors. Thus Liberal council leader Trevor Jones was able to claim he presided over the lowest rate increases in Liverpool's history. He was knighted by a drooling Thatcher for services rendered.

Thatcherism

These events had as their background the Thatcher government's dislike of local government or, more precisely, Thatcher's hatred of local democracy which often then resulted in the election of Labour councils.

Part of the Tories' programme when they were elected in 1979 included decentralising state power and devolving decision-making to localities. In fact, the opposite took place. Using the device of the block grant system which penalised local authorities who exceeded the government's prescribed spending limits, the government succeeded in slashing local authority expenditure.

The percentage of local expenditure financed by central government fell drastically from 61% in 1979-80 to 48% in 1985-86. That 13% shortfall had to be funded by local councils if services were to be maintained.

However, such was the Tories' ruthless determination to drive down local expenditure, they introduced a policy of rate-capping with savage penalties for those councils who exceeded the limitations imposed by central government. For every £1 breach of expenditure, £2 would be lost in rate support grant.

Initially, all Labour-controlled local authorities had agreed to support a campaign against the policy of rate-capping. Amongst the leaders of this campaign, it is incredible to recall, were David Blunkett and Ken Livingstone, with Neil Kinnock as their parliamentary cheerleader.

However, the consequences for Liverpool were more severe than all other authorities. In 1984-85 the total target of expenditure set by the government for all English authorities was 6% lower than their expenditure in 1980-81, but Liverpool's target, as a consequence of the rating policy of the Liberal/Tory alliance, was 11% lower than its spending in 1980-81.

Liverpool's officials estimated that between 1978-79 and 1983-84, the city had lost between £26 million and £34 million in government grants as a result of the government lowering Liverpool's spending target. This was the £30 million (on average) that the council explained the government had stolen.

Thus, the years of rate-slashing policies by the Liberal-Tory alliance in Liverpool meant that the financial position of the city was in even greater dire straits than all other local authorities.

The government's policies meant that, in order to balance the books, a local authority would either have to increase the rates, sometimes massively to compensate for Tory cuts, or savagely cut back on jobs and services.

The Liverpool District Labour Party's policy was to reject both of these options and instead to carry out its electoral promises. In the elections of 1983 a key component of the Liverpool party's electoral programme was 'No rate or rent increases to compensate for Tory cuts.'

That campaign explained to the Liverpool electorate the consequences of Liberal/Tory rule. The campaign also explained the pernicious slashing policies of the Tory government and gave a commitment that a radical socialist programme would be implemented. This included house building, job creation, rent reductions and improvement of services, linked to a campaign to retrieve funding from central government. The result was the magnificent electoral victory in 1983 with Labour gaining 12 seats, giving Labour 51 seats against the Liberal/Tory total of 48.

The massive financial crisis already described, which Liverpool Labour inherited, was seen as a reason for the implementation of the electoral programme rather than, as is usually the case with all the pro-capitalist politicians, a reason to retreat.

If Liverpool's expenditure had increased at the same rate as other authorities and even within government guidelines through that period, then the city's target set by the government for 1984-85 would have been much higher. In addition to the problems caused by the Liberals' financial jiggery-pokery through the 1970s and early 1980s, in 1983 the incoming Labour council inherited a budget which included £8 million to £10 million of unallocated cuts.

Against this background it was a diabolical lie for the right wing to allege that the crisis in Liverpool was of the 47's own making. Jack Straw, for instance, who in 1984 advocated a rate rise of 60%, has to this day never retracted the lies spewed out by him and his colleagues.

His excuse over the scandal about his parliamentary claim for full council tax when he had already been allowed a 50% discount was that "accountancy does not appear to be my strongest suit." This admission serves to underline his ignorance about the real depth of Liverpool's financial crisis that even Patrick Jenkin was compelled to recognise.

Mass struggle


Liverpool City Councillors hold press conference at House of Lords 26 Jan 1987, photo Dave Sinclair

But the victory was not achieved merely by slick negotiation between the councillors and Patrick Jenkin. Jenkin's promise to 'do his very best' to ameliorate some of Liverpool's problems wasn't solely due to his compassion having seen, in his words, 'housing conditions the likes of which I've never seen.'

It was also prompted by the mass support enjoyed by the council evidenced by the 1,000-strong demonstration which followed him around the housing estates which he viewed on his visit to Liverpool.

He was also conscious of the magnificent electoral support as well as the physical support shown by the great demonstrations that marched through the city in support of the council's policies, particularly the demonstration on budget day the previous March when a one-day strike took place, supported by 30,000 local authority workers. 50,000 people marched through the city that day in support of the council's proposed 'deficit budget'. That support was the reason Thatcher had despatched Jenkin to the city to get a real flavour of the situation on the ground.

Celebration

The council meeting following the funding victory was greeted with scenes of jubilation more akin to welcoming a returning football team having won the FA cup. The lobby of the council saw local authority workers, striking miners, young people, unemployed and parents with their young children, all listening to the victory speeches. Labour speakers were greeted with cheers, while over the benches of the Liberals and Tories hung a mood of demoralisation.

The support for the council was based on concrete changes to better people's lives. For instance, before the local press joined the Rupert Murdoch/Robert Maxwell media axis in its demonisation of the councillors, the Daily Post carried a headline 'House-proud city has got it right.' It reported the comments of a housing expert, Alice Coleman, who had carried out extensive research into housing conditions nationally and internationally.

'Liverpool,' she declared at a meeting to assess the council's housing policy, 'has got it right.' She completely concurred with the main thrust of the Urban Regeneration Strategy and the council's conviction that the majority of people preferred to live in traditional houses.

Moreover, the spin-off effect of the city's housing programme on employment had been publicly recognised by building companies who are not usually friends of Labour. In the three years from April 1983 to May 1985 it was estimated that 6,489 jobs had been generated in the private sector as a result of the house-building programme.

Twenty-five years late, the chattering classes agonise over the disengagement of people in general from politics and their disillusionment with the mainstream parties. Chat shows on various agencies of the media usually draw the conclusion that the party leaders, particularly Gordon Brown, lack charisma, or they don't have the ability to crack a good gag.

The logic of this argument is that New Labour should persuade Ken Dodd to lead the party and they would romp home at the next election with a massive majority based on a 99% turnout!

The Liverpool 47 attracted the highest Labour vote in history, and higher than in any election since world war two even though the population of the city had declined from 700,000 in 1945 to 460,000 in 1983. While turnout for local elections in recent years has ranged from 11% to 20%, the turnout in 1983 and 1984 was 45% to 55%. A clear message that if policies which correspond to the needs and aspirations of the working class are implemented, then the support will be forthcoming.

It was this level of support that gave the ruling class and its allies at the tops of the Labour movement an enormous problem.

The council leaders warned the workers that the Tories would bide their time and wait for the opportunity to take their revenge, particularly with the vengeful Margaret Thatcher determined to crush any opposition. They explained the urgency of stepping up the national campaign to persuade other major councils to take the Liverpool road and to compel Thatcher to retreat.

Tragically, this strategy did not succeed. One by one, the other councils involved in the anti-rate capping campaign capitulated under Tory pressure, aided and abetted by the national Labour leadership, particularly by the treachery of Labour leader Neil Kinnock. Ken Livingstone in London and David Blunkett in Sheffield, sounded the retreat which turned into a rout, eventually leaving Liverpool in isolation. This retreat was accompanied by a hysterical media campaign designed to isolate Liverpool, with deputy Labour leader Roy Hattersley accusing the Liverpool councillors of 'literal corruption'.

In spite of their unparalleled record of achievement, the power of the state eventually prevailed. Thatcher's district auditor, supported by the House of Lords, removed the 47 councillors from office, cheered on by the Labour leaders. Kinnock and his lieutenant, witchfinder-general Peter Kilfolye, finished the job on behalf of the capitalist state by expelling the majority of the 47 from the Labour Party.

Since then many gallons of ink, acres of newsprint, and speeches by right wing charlatans have attempted to denigrate the 47's period of office. But the record has been written in concrete buildings and stands as a monument to the socialist achievements of the Liverpool City council of 1983-87. Achievements symbolised by the incredible victory over Patrick Jenkin 25 years ago.
Source: The Socialist
 

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IIRC one of Militant's main 20 policies which was regularly laughed at was to nationalise the main banks in the UK - funny how things change isn't it? :lol:

It was funny to see Terry Fields at the end there. He was always a very good orator and when he had the Mayflower in town you could sing , jump around , dance on the tables anything that you wanted to enjoy yourself as long as you stood and sang the Internationale at the end of the night.

Altogether now.....

"So comrades, come rally
And the last fight let us face
The Internationale unites the human race" :cheers:
 

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I think it's always sad when an organisation/party/group of individuals/uber-bastardo latches on to the genuine distress and needs of a population and milks it for all its worth.

Militant in Liverpool is an example of this writ large. Whilst it did indeed build better homes for the city's poor than had ever been built before, it fed into pre-existing anxieties about 'Liverpool' and confirmed them and then some. Hatton was manna from heaven for England's rabid right wing press.

Militant turned brand Liverpool into a euphemism for 'a basket-case of a failed city with no future and not worthy of inward investment by the private sector' that lasted until the Lib Dems took over and is still there just beneath the surface if you scratch deeply enough. There is a reason why all the other core cities regenerated before Liverpool and that reason is 'Militant'.

People who know what happened in the 1980s (and before and since) tend to be partisan either way. In case there is any doubt let me just state that I am anti Militant. I agree with much of Militant's analysis of what the problems in the city were at the time. I just think their solutions made the situation a hell of a lot worse in the medium to long term.

Someone else I don't have much time for either is Neil Kinnock but I think his description of Militant (although also politically motivated) stands the test of time. Here it is:

I'll tell you what happens with impossible promises. You start with a far-fetched series of resolutions, and these are then pickled into a rigid dogma, a code, and you go through the years sticking to that, misplaced, outdated, irrelevant to the real needs, and you end in the grotesque chaos of a Labour council, a Labour council, hiring taxis to scuttle round the city handing out redundancy notices to its own workers. I tell you - and you'll listen - you can't play politics with people's jobs and people's homes and people's services.
Of course, Militant supporters state that there wasn't any intention of sacking workers but for me this just illustrates the political game playing (brinkmanship) they were continually engaged in. It was always going to end in tears. It always does.

More significant for me is what happened to those groups in the city who didn't tow the Militant line. This letter written by the Liverpool Black Caucus illustrates this perfectly.

Sam Bond, a statement by the Liverpool Black Caucus


From the Liverpool Echo, 17th January 1986

Councillor Derek Hatton (Liverpool Echo, 22 October 1985) accused the Liverpool Black Caucus of 'organising physical attacks' on Labour councillors and party members. This is a total fabrication.

The appointment of Mr. Sampson Bond lies at the centre of the race relations crisis that the Liverpool Labour Party have precipitated. A vendetta has been waged by Militant against the Black Caucus.

Who are the Black Caucus? At the end of 1980, the city council adopted a formal equal opportunity policy. A race relations liaison committee of 12 councillors and 12 local black representatives was formed. The community representatives (the 'Black Caucus') have been regularly elected at annual meetings of black organisations.

The position of the caucus was reflected in the appointment committee for the principal race relations adviser on which the caucus were allowed three voting members. At the interview, Mr Bond's lack of relevant qualifications and experience was obvious. He did, however, display a commitment to Liverpool Labour Party polices.

The predictable course of events was revealed when Mr. Hatton as chairman said they would only appoint someone who would 'follow Labour Party policies'. He proposed Mr Bond's appointment and, despite the Caucus's strong arguments that any of the other five candidates would be acceptable but not Mr Bond, the five other Labour councillors voted unanimously for Bond.

The caucus representatives and the NALGO observer immediately walked out of the meeting because they felt this had clearly been a 'fixed' appointment.
By the next morning, NALGO had organised an official picket of the other planned posts in the race relations unit. A sit-in in Mr Hatton's office then took place involving members of local black organisations. After several hours' negotiation Mr Hatton emerged to show his signed agreement that the principal race adviser post would be re-advertised. Mr Hatton's promises proved hollow.

The next evening the District Labour Party branded the previous day's demonstration as 'alien' to the Labour movement. In an extraordinary display of double standards by the vehement supporters of picketing miners, Cammell Laird occupiers and other (mainly white?) 'workers in struggle'.
The Caucus became transformed overnight from elected and respected council sub-committee representatives to what has been called a 'violent' and 'unrepresentative faction'.

Yet the sit-in had been entirely peaceful. There were no incidents, no arrests, no charges. The racist myth of 'black violence' has been relentlessly pumped out by Militant propaganda ever since.

Councillor Margaret Simey the Bishop and Archbishop of Liverpool have all condemned the anti-Caucus leaflets and the activities in Liverpool 8 of the Militants imported from London to support Mr Bond and Mr Hatton.

Two Militant-inspired groups have been established: Merseyside Anti-Racist Campaign and Merseyside Action Group, for whom funding was recently proposed at a city council meeting.

A few local black individuals have formed an alliance with Militant, but by and large the community has remained united despite the massive efforts to denounce the Black Caucus and to undermine or split local established black groups.

This ruthless approach of the Liverpool Labour Party has led to a major deterioration in race relations. There are many more issues such as the abolition without consultation of the race relations liaison committee; recruitment (under one per cent of the council's workers are black); education (a long delay in issuing the code of practice to combat racism in schools, still no multi-cultural education unit, and an inadequate race relations co-ordinator scheme in the comprehensives); the cancellation of the River Avon Street housing project which was to be for black and ethnic elders, and was to receive a 75% grant from central government; social services - what happened to the 'care of the elderly' report or to the black social workers project?; and the disregard councillors have shown for the Commission for Racial Equality's major housing recommendations regarding the inadequate and discriminatory practices that have occurred within the city council's housing department.

A change of direction on race by the city council is critically overdue.
Signed by eight Black Caucus members
Hatton was all about the local media at the time bad-mouthing the LBC and saying that no one in the black community supported them.

Of course, Hatton's opportunism is now clear but it was clear at the time, too. Like so many people in politics he spoke about changing the world but it was mostly about making a living for himself. Let's hope we don't get fooled again.
 

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I think we all too easily forget what is was like in Liverpool back in the eighties - the mass redundancies as our branch plant economy collapsed, etc. Given the circumstances of the time I think the City Council were more than justified in challenging the Thatcher Govt.

PS Pity we don't build as few more affordable family homes in the city these days!
 

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I don't wholly agree that the houses they built for the poor were the best seen to date when the 1930s saw people move from unsanitary courts and cellars to garden homes in the suburbs and fringe of the centre with water and electricity and weren't the 1980s versions built on borrowed money at large interest rates but I can sort of see what is meant. The earlier list of the good they done seems to show a deficit of about 2000 homes too? Didn't they also do away with some parkland and there was a scandal regarding selling off car parks or something? I'm sure some of the wide boys made something out of it as Hamilton's jawstrings were pulled. How many outsiders were actually aware that he was supposed to be the leader?
 

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If I recall, Neil Kinnock's speech had Hatton and others screeching across the hall at him, "liar, liar". Kinnock never ever went to Liverpool after than and avoided the city.
I'll tell you what happens with impossible promises. You start with a far-fetched series of resolutions, and these are then pickled into a rigid dogma, a code, and you go through the years sticking to that, misplaced, outdated, irrelevant to the real needs, and you end in the grotesque chaos of a Labour council, a Labour council, hiring taxis to scuttle round the city handing out redundancy notices to its own workers.

In desperate extraordinary times, extraordinary people surface.
 

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Of course, the irony was that the bloke who went round in the taxi with the redundancy notices was never a Militant supporter anyway.

In fact, the Militant supporters initially lobbied against the fake redundancy idea in the Labour Group, arguing that it would cause too much confusion. They were right.
 

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I think people like Degsy and Scargill were MI5 plants. It's the only explanation. If you ever needed to delegitimise protest against Thatcher that might have overthrown her regime just ensure that the focus stays on some wide boy/loud mouth/free spending/rent-a-slogan Scouser and an inflexible Yorkie - the kind that doesn't bother with a ballot for a strike because he wants to ensure that it would never have the water tight legitimacy that would have spelt success.

Thatcher was there for the taking in the 80s.

People like Hatton and Scargill ensured that free market, **** YOU capitalism triumphed.
 

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The 'achievements' of Militant could be likened to the Soviet Union's increase in tractor production.

To me Marxism is an old fashioned idea of radicalism which has well had it's day since the people who were subjected to it in a vast swathe of the earth overthrew it as they couldn't endure such tyranny any longer.

Nevertheless I will say that there were principled people in the Militant movement, yet they were also inflexible.

The reason why Livingstone became London Mayor was because he is a flexible, pragmatic politician who understands modernity and that the Left needs to adapt to meet its challenges.

Livingstone was largely successful in London and even some on the Right have praised him whilst still disagreeing with him. The same could hardly be said for Hatton could it?
 

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I think people like Degsy and Scargill were MI5 plants. It's the only explanation. If you ever needed to delegitimise protest against Thatcher that might have overthrown her regime just ensure that the focus stays on some wide boy/loud mouth/free spending/rent-a-slogan Scouser and an inflexible Yorkie - the kind that doesn't bother with a ballot for a strike because he wants to ensure that it would never have the water tight legitimacy that would have spelt success.

Thatcher was there for the taking in the 80s.

People like Hatton and Scargill ensured that free market, **** YOU capitalism triumphed.
Absolute rubbish, Scargill is a man commited the socialist cause, hatton was just playing at it.

It's liberals and people who seem to believe the following Manchester into a Capitalist's paradise, whilst the majority of Mancs live in shitholes is a good thing. Liverpool should be proud of its tradition, militancy is the only way to combat things, it only failed because too many people are pussy liberals when it comes down to it.
 

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Absolute rubbish, Scargill is a man commited the socialist cause, hatton was just playing at it.

It's liberals and people who seem to believe the following Manchester into a Capitalist's paradise, whilst the majority of Mancs live in shitholes is a good thing. Liverpool should be proud of its tradition, militancy is the only way to combat things, it only failed because too many people are pussy liberals when it comes down to it.
Scargill is running a Socialist Party so if he is a plant he is playing a very lengthy part.

Nevertheless, there is a difference between a Capitalist Paradise, and a mixed economy.
 

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Absolute rubbish, Scargill is a man commited the socialist cause, hatton was just playing at it.

It's liberals and people who seem to believe the following Manchester into a Capitalist's paradise, whilst the majority of Mancs live in shitholes is a good thing. Liverpool should be proud of its tradition, militancy is the only way to combat things, it only failed because too many people are pussy liberals when it comes down to it.

'Arthur Scargill, Arrrthur Scarrrrgill, weeee'llll support you ever more, ever morrrre'.

He only needed to win the vote in support of the strike and he would have won the war against Thatcher but oh no, not Arthur - he knew best. He knew 'right' was on his side. No need for a democratic mandate that would galvanise wider support and ensure success.

MI5 plant no other explanation for such a gaffe.

Militant failed in Liverpool because it was naive and dishonest - as long as Labour and Militant were conflated in the city and it spouted the kind of slogans that desperate people wanted to hear it did fine. Capitalism isn't going to be defeated by slogans or a failed ideology. Terry Fields' defeat in Broadgreen (the focus of the above documentary) illustrates what the city really thought of Militant when it was forced to reveal itself in the broad light of day, and let's face it he was the best of them and held a tune well, too.
 

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Imagine if either Scargills or Hattans fantasies had a chance of coming to fruition, we could now be organising solidarity events with Cuba and North Korea ... power to 'the peolpe'!
:|

I think you might have missed out loony left, liberal arty-farty Guardian readers.

On balance, I think I would prefer a solidarity event with the people of Cuba more than the perpetual rimming of the US of A's big fat ass.

Somehow it would be less shaming.
 

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we'd have to find some other 'word of mouth' way to publicise it, as sites like this would be banned, but then, who'd need such capitalist developer rim kissing sites like thiis anyway in our republic of 'doctors' and gutter farmers? :)
 

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I think they have mobile phones and PCs in Cuba. It's not in the stone age just the third world and then I'd much rather live there than Jamaica or South Africa but having said that I would prefer non-bible belt USA to Cuba any day of the week.

Where else could you find characters like this?

 
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