Keep it clean , civil.
Presidential & Parliamentary Elections 2011.
2011 Presidential Elections
Guys, 2011 general ELECTION will be intense.
Main players.
PPRD with the current majority in all institutions of the first Elections JOSEPH KABILA .
MLC the main opposition with ?
UDPS is in the game with the Veteran, legendary,the father of a democratic Revolution, leader ETIENNE TSHISEKEDI WAS MULUMBA:banana:
PALU one of the oldest parties in the country and allies with PPRD with ADOLPHE MUZITO.
The rest are small fries.
UDEMO are small and allied to PPRD with MOBUTU NZANGA.
UREC with the diaspora Dr OSCAR KASHALA.
Lets democracy do it job.
Guys, 2011 general ELECTION will be intense.
Main players.
PPRD with the current majority in all institutions of the first Elections JOSEPH KABILA .
MLC the main opposition with ?
UDPS is in the game with the Veteran, legendary,the father of a democratic Revolution, leader ETIENNE TSHISEKEDI WAS MULUMBA:banana:
PALU one of the oldest parties in the country and allies with PPRD with ADOLPHE MUZITO.
The rest are small fries.
UDEMO are small and allied to PPRD with MOBUTU NZANGA.
UREC with the diaspora Dr OSCAR KASHALA.
Lets democracy do it job.
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Dr OSCAR KASHALA's campaign will probably suffer because he is not visible on home soil, unless he allies with some other parties to have more bodies on the ground. Also, he may suffers in terms of security, last time he was bullied out of the election.
Tshisekedi is a name I have been hearing my whole life, i can't see what this guys will offer, the best chance he had was maybe in the early 90s when Mobutu was losing grip of the army. His alone though is strong enough to make his a serious runner.
I think Bemba is still the leader of his party, I haven't heard otherwise. He probably holds the money and connections, the money might even be the only reason his trial has dragged for so long. The international community will lock or release him depending on what they need in DRC, that court is nothing but another instrument of the usual suspects.
Tshisekedi is a name I have been hearing my whole life, i can't see what this guys will offer, the best chance he had was maybe in the early 90s when Mobutu was losing grip of the army. His alone though is strong enough to make his a serious runner.
I think Bemba is still the leader of his party, I haven't heard otherwise. He probably holds the money and connections, the money might even be the only reason his trial has dragged for so long. The international community will lock or release him depending on what they need in DRC, that court is nothing but another instrument of the usual suspects.
Definitely not Nzanga!It is already bad enough for him to be up there!Old Etienne has passed his best and should maybe retire in the senat.I think Kabila and kashala are the best candidats out there.
correction - i was meant to say his name alone will make him a serious runner.His alone though is strong enough to make his a serious runner.
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Kashala could have been a real serious runner but he needs to be on the ground longer than just the election period. Lets see if his approach works though because Americans being Americans, mot did not know Obama right up until the elections so maybe he is followingthat approach. It would be interesting to give someone like him a province to run. The political landscape will become clearer in the coming months, I am sure we will see a lot of changes and people disappearing, etc.
Kashala is weak, he needs to take over the Oppostion , since Bemba is being rotten in the Hague and he doesn't get along the AMP.
Tshisekedi is old indeed, but he will give the majority and the opposition hard time.
Tshisekedi will hart more the opposition. they need to be united to make a serious contender.
AMP/Kabila will win this thing because of the constructions going on. so they already proving to the people right now. Thats easy to see.
Tshisekedi is old indeed, but he will give the majority and the opposition hard time.
Tshisekedi will hart more the opposition. they need to be united to make a serious contender.
AMP/Kabila will win this thing because of the constructions going on. so they already proving to the people right now. Thats easy to see.
Kabila is unpopular every where in DRC … from Kinshasa, Goma and Katanga mainly because of three reasons: Dubious origin, Corruption and handling of Kivu conflicts. Cinq Chantiers so far have not impact average daily Congolese life; people are suffering in Kinshasa and elsewhere in DRC.Kashala is weak, he needs to take over the Oppostion , since Bemba is being rotten in the Hague and he doesn't get along the AMP.
Tshisekedi is old indeed, but he will give the majority and the opposition hard time.
Tshisekedi will hart more the opposition. they need to be united to make a serious contender.
AMP/Kabila will win this thing because of the constructions going on. so they already proving to the people right now. Thats easy to see.
Tshisekedi is old and the party is disorganized. UDPS will maybe win few seats in senate and national assembly.
Oscar Kashala has chance. All depends how deep his packet is and who he is connected with. I think that if he can forge an alliance with Vital and some of the small regional party such as ABAKO, MNC etc… It will be hard for PPRD to win.
New leadership will emerge if 2011 election is credible and free of corruption.
Mulopwe
Unpopular every where ? are you sure?Kabila is unpopular every where in DRC … from Kinshasa, Goma and Katanga mainly because of three reasons: Dubious origin, Corruption and handling of Kivu conflicts. Cinq Chantiers so far have not impact average daily Congolese life; people are suffering in Kinshasa and elsewhere in DRC.
Katanga, Nord-Sud Kivu, Province Oriental, Maniema are all PPRD. there are no other parties that can challenge PPRD in these provinces.
The can't surely vote for any one else. because its PPRD every where.
But look in Tshisekedi's back yard.
Bandundu belongs to PALU and if they continue their alliance with AMP/PPRD, that will go to Kabila as well. and that will be the end of the game.
Struggling . But not out. this is polictics, don't ever rule out surprises. Its like Football.Tshisekedi is old and the party is disorganized. UDPS will maybe win few seats in senate and national assembly.
Kashala is not even that popular with the diaspora and only known by a very few people in Kinshasa.Oscar Kashala has chance. All depends how deep his packet is and who he is connected with. I think that if he can forge an alliance with Vital and some of the small regional party such as ABAKO, MNC etc… It will be hard for PPRD to win.
The guy has no chance. you have to be known. and he can't out do Vital. Vital is a populist and a very strong. he is known every where in the country.
Whats that leadership.? who is to emerge?New leadership will emerge
Moise Katumbi "The King of Katanga , Paluku of Nord Kivu, Austai of Province Or. , The guy from Maniema are all PPRD and they are very popular with their people in their provinces and they will be campaigning for JOKA. And Bandundu with PALU-PPRD alliance.
if 2011 election is credible and free of corruption.
Mulopwe
Electorate corruption? are you saying the last elections where corrupt ?
Butembo21,Unpopular every where ? are you sure?
Katanga, Nord-Sud Kivu, Province Oriental, Maniema are all PPRD. there are no other parties that can challenge PPRD in these provinces.
The can't surely vote for any one else. because its PPRD every where.
But look in Tshisekedi's back yard.
Bandundu belongs to PALU and if they continue their alliance with AMP/PPRD, that will go to Kabila as well. and that will be the end of the game.
Struggling . But not out. this is polictics, don't ever rule out surprises. Its like Football.
Kashala is not even that popular with the diaspora and only known by a very few people in Kinshasa.
The guy has no chance. you have to be known. and he can't out do Vital. Vital is a populist and a very strong. he is known every where in the country.
Whats that leadership.? who is to emerge?
Moise Katumbi "The King of Katanga , Paluku of Nord Kivu, Austai of Province Or. , The guy from Maniema are all PPRD and they are very popular with their people in their provinces and they will be campaigning for JOKA. And Bandundu with PALU-PPRD alliance.
Electorate corruption? are you saying the last elections where corrupt ?
Don’t mind those video. In DRC due to poverty every politician has his own crowd. Talk
To ordinary citizen’s potential voters most of them dislike current leadership and prefer change.
Vital Kamereh was crucial and play a major role in last election. It was big mistake the way he was treated. One of my friends who work at CDC here in ATL just returned from Goma, he was telling how people in east are so disappointed with the way Joka his huddling the conflicts. There are more than 4000 Rwanda troops in FARDC under CNDP. These are facts …. Vital spoke about it and he was against and you know the rest of stories.
Bas-Congo has the most political educated mass in the Congo. Most of them remember how bad and unnecessary Joka use his presidential guard to oppress Bundu dia Kongo movement. Last election, Oscar beat Joka in Bas-Kongo
Oscar and Vital ticket will be hard to beat …. Again all will depends on their capacity to forge new alliance, connections and ability to be able to campaign throughout the country without restriction if you know what I mean.
Mulopwe
I agree with the notion that Vital was vital in last elections. and he was in fact who got Joka elected. it was due to him to get elected in Kivu and Oriental province.Butembo21,
Don’t mind those video. In DRC due to poverty every politician has his own crowd. Talk
To ordinary citizen’s potential voters most of them dislike current leadership and prefer change.
Vital Kamereh was crucial and play a major role in last election. It was big mistake the way he was treated. One of my friends who work at CDC here in ATL just returned from Goma, he was telling how people in east are so disappointed with the way Joka his huddling the conflicts. There are more than 4000 Rwanda troops in FARDC under CNDP. These are facts …. Vital spoke about it and he was against and you know the rest of stories.
Bas-Congo has the most political educated mass in the Congo. Most of them remember how bad and unnecessary Joka use his presidential guard to oppress Bundu dia Kongo movement. Last election, Oscar beat Joka in Bas-Kongo
Oscar and Vital ticket will be hard to beat …. Again all will depends on their capacity to forge new alliance, connections and ability to be able to campaign throughout the country without restriction if you know what I mean.
Mulopwe
I wouldn't mind seeing Vital-Kashala ticket.
In facts i will be dilighted. to see Vital take charge. CNDP is all but Tutsi , i don't get how he would allow such thing as letting them into FARDC. he doesn't even do anthing to try to get Nkunda and Ntaganda. :bash:
I can't even believe they handed over a few ex Rwanda soldiers that were fighting for CNDP :cripes: and still don't get Nkunda and Ntaganda, even Kagame admitted that Nkunda was legits and he even said that its true there are veterans of his army in CNDP. can you imagine that?
This guy is off my list.
:bash::bash:Kabila is unpopular every where in DRC … from Kinshasa, Goma and Katanga mainly because of three reasons: Dubious origin, Corruption and handling of Kivu conflicts. Cinq Chantiers so far have not impact average daily Congolese life; people are suffering in Kinshasa and elsewhere in DRC.
Tshisekedi is old and the party is disorganized. UDPS will maybe win few seats in senate and national assembly.
Oscar Kashala has chance. All depends how deep his packet is and who he is connected with. I think that if he can forge an alliance with Vital and some of the small regional party such as ABAKO, MNC etc… It will be hard for PPRD to win.
New leadership will emerge if 2011 election is credible and free of corruption.
Mulopwe
hno:hno: The anti-kabila is out for fire:lol::lol::lol: Dubious orgin. The guys name is Joseph Kabila Kabange. KABANGE if your having a hard time pronouncing it get the "tshi" out of your vocabulary. The parties in Katanga are pro-Kabila, the business climate in Katanga is thriving. Oscar Kashala has no chance in his own home state. That's how pro-Kabila Katanga is. Old Matama (couldn't resist:lol has no chance at any helm, the party lacks fresh blood, and it base is regional not national like PPRD:banana: those days are numbered for UDPS. Anyhow this election will fcome down to money and backing. Which brings us back to dubious character not origin:lol: Don't you think your homeboy Kashala as a dubious character? The guy is running a smear campaign right here against Kabila with western financing and support. The guy is smart I give him that . But as a doctor his assistance will be better used at dissecting that corrupt senate or assembly because right now the opposition are a bunch of idiots. UREC will take awhile to get national recognition but if this election season passes I'm assured they will have a chance over MLC at seats, but as you said it will need more alliances probably with Vital. But Bas-Congo and Katanga I doubt they will garner support. And it's a sad case he won't win his own home state Katanga where i have been told his regarded as uptight and high nose:lol: At the end of it it will come down to that. Can Oscar win Katanga, not going to happen this election."Kabila taking DRC backwards"
Kabila taking DRC backwards
Kabila taking DRC backwards
The DR Congo heads to the polls next year to elect a new president. On the quiet campaigning already for the top post is a computer scientist and an administrator Dr Bent Francis Mboyo. Speaking to AfricaNews from his USA base he said the time has come for the DRC to experience rapid transformation.
AfricaNews: Briefly tell us about yourself?
Dr Mboyo: I am a twin born from a small village called "Bikoro" in the province of Equateur in the DRC. I grew up in a village that had no public transportation, electricity and television. Almost 40 years later, the standard of living for many people in Congo, is still the same. I have stayed in the USA for nearly 11 years and married to Kangaj Ruwew from the Katanga province since 1990. I am a father of five - all living in Seattle, Washington, USA.
I hold three Masters – one in Computer Science from Sacred Heart University in Fairfield, Connecticut, USA; a Masters in Business Administration from the University of Manchester Business Practitioners, United Kingdom, and in Public Health with a concentration in occupational medicine and health from Tulane University in New Orleans, Louisiana USA. I also hold a doctorate in education with specialization in educational technology from Argosy University in Seattle, Washington, USA, and currently a doctoral candidate in Leadership and Change from Antioch University, USA.
Since 2005 I have been the program administrator for PATH - a big American organization based in Seattle – until April 2010 when I resigned. I managed a major global health program that benefitted 70 countries worldwide. I am also engaged as a professor in a university based in Washington.
AfricaNews: You are already a successful man. What motivates you to go into politics that has been described as a “dirty game”?
Dr Mboyo: It is the love I have for my people. I want to see a healthy and a wealthy country. The DRC is one of the richest countries in the world when it comes to natural resources but unfortunately our people are among the poorest. This is a shame. There should be equality in the distribution of the national cake but a few lots in society have hijacked it at the detriment of the masses. I’m into politics now because I want to break that silence and fear among Congolese to stand and speak out for their right. I know that history would exonerate me.
On the other hand, politics is described as a dirty game because of the way it is run in Africa. Over the years African leaders have abused their office and engaged in several corrupt practices. True politics is not about insulting each other but diagnosing the problem of a given society and providing solutions. When your term is over you hand over power peacefully and go but that is not the real case in Africa. People want to hang on to power for life and those are some of the things that spark war. I am not going to be that kind of person. I am principled and would play by the rules of the game.
AfricaNews: What is your political message?
Dr Mboyo: This is the time for change. A change that would transform the lives of Congolese. Let each and everyone in Congo do a true assessment of the political administration in Congo and I dare say that the results is more than negative and even disastrous. I am bringing that change in mentality, eradicating poverty that has eaten into over 95% of our people, stamp out corruption to the barest minimum and to promote the general interest of the people. My tenure would see democracy flourishing in DRC.
AfricaNews: What are some of the problems of DR Congo?
Dr Mboyo: There are countless and complex problems facing Congo today due to poor leadership. At the moment my country’s economy, social life and health system are in deep coma due to the following factors: lack of housing policy and housing for all, lack of a true health policy for all, lack of a policy of education (primary, secondary and university), lack of adequate social policy, unemployment, no energy policy, no financial and banking policy, no policy for the reform of parliament, no justice policy, no foreign policy, no policy planning, no policy of national defense of the territory.
AfricaNews: How do you intend solving these problems?
Dr Mboyo: I am going to develop and sign a social contract with Congolese when I assume power. In that contract I propose to achieve the following in a given timeframe: At least every Congolese must own a house or live in a decent house and we are going to build 100,000 social housing per year, with 20, 000 in Kinshasa the administrative city. Then there would be 8,000 housing units in each of the 10 other provinces. In the health sector we would focus on preventive medicine to curative medicine, build hospitals and other infrastructure, with the aim of reducing mortality rates in our country (the infant mortality rate fell from 12.5 per thousand in 1990 to 17.0 per thousand in 2000. We believe we can reduce that to 5% by 2020. The maternal mortality ratio of 800 deaths per 100 000 live births in 1990 to 2000 deaths per 100 000 births today. We also want to reduce that to 500 deaths per 100 000 births in 2020). Job creation would be one of our primary targets. 50% of the jobs we create would come from the agricultural sector. Value would be added to our mineral resources. The youths would be engaged in that sector from the extraction, processing to local marketing of the finished product.
Access to credit facilities would be championed to enable people buy homes, afford to pay their bills among others. The education sector would be reformed with about 20% of the national budget going to that sector instead of the current 2%.
I would urge readers to kindly visit my website: www.cchangeiscoming.org for more.
AfricaNews: What do you hope to achieve in your first 100 days in office?
Dr Mboyo: Great question. I would use that to clean up the system set my agenda in motion. That would be the time to map out effective strategies at the local, regional and national levels. We are going to engage the people more to understand their real problems and with the help of my team we unleash our strategic plans. Dialogue with the locals would be our hallmark to familiarize myself more with the realities on the ground.
AfricaNews: On a scale of one to 10 rate the current administration in Congo?
Dr Mboyo: I will give them one. The government is full of arrogant and corrupt people who are scrambling for national resources for their selfish interest. The economy is in shambles and we have a leadership crisis. In a country where an MP is killed while others are prevented from voicing out their views because they oppose to government decision is in dire crisis.
AfricaNews: Are you not new to Congolese?
Dr Mboyo: It is true that I am a new kid on the block but my vision of change for the people is going to sell me. I employ Kabila and his cronies to allow a level playing field during the campaign period and trust me they would be no where at the end of the election. I call on the international community to protect me and other opposition candidates against brutalities. I hope the international community – Transparency International, French Association for Survival, Human Rights Watch, European Union, and Carter Centre among others - would flock to Congo in their numbers during the elections to observe and to ensure that everything is in order. I still appeal to well meaning people who believe in my ideology for Congo to assist me financially and logistically to realize the true aspiration of my people. Being new does not mean that I’m out touch and out of experience. President Barak Obama started on a humble note and today he is the 44th president of the USA. I will get there and rescue our people from the hands of the wicked ones.
AfricaNews: How different are you from other politicians?
Dr Mboyo: You made a true observation that politicians generally change when they assume power. I have had several academic trainings and worked with top organizations but I have never had a big head. I have stayed humble and I think humility comes before honour. Let me tell you, what follows pride and arrogance is total ruin and failure. If I betray the trust of the people who put me in power then I am sawing the branch on which I sit. I won’t do that. I will respect the views of my opponents and ensure freedom of expression. Trust me, these are not sweet talks but are something that you will live to see one day.
AfricaNews: What do you make of African leaders who try to hang on to power for life?
Dr Mboyo: People given electoral mandates must realize that political positions are not tantamount to a monarchical rule. Kings enjoy lifetime appointments but not elected presidents. Once your two-term or whatever allotted you is over please leave the scene honourably for the next person to continue. It is a shame this is happening in Africa. There is pride in handing over power peacefully. Look at Nelson Mandela of South Africa and John Kufuor of Ghana among others. Today they are able to live in the countries without any fear because they handed over peacefully and left the scene quietly. It does not hurt but rather comes with a lot of reward in future.
AfricaNews: Any comment about the withdrawal of the UN mission in the DRC?
Dr Mboyo: I strongly believe that the government in Kinshasa had ill intentions by supporting the withdrawal of MONUC in Congo. They wanted to cover up incriminating evidence of criminals in the country. MONUC could have helped to stop the current countless abuses especially in North and South Kivu. If I get the mandate of the people I will strive towards an internationally trained army for the DRC.
AfricaNews: How are you going to fight corruption?
Dr Mboyo: I will fight corruption at the administrative, governmental and cooperation level. I intend improving the working conditions of the civil service through wage increase. I am going to kick against kickbacks, bribes in public contracts and at the judiciary.
AfricaNews: How would you love to be remembered one day when you become president?
Dr Mboyo: First I pray for good health and for God’s blessing to attain this post. Then, one day I would be happy if my children and children’s children hear this about their father: “President Mboyo was the man that gave Congo its lost dignity and placed her in the concert of nations.”
AfricaNews: Your final words
Dr Mboyo: Please don’t accept money or gift to vote for someone. That would jeopardize the future of our children and our children’s children. This is the time for change and I have come with that change. The wheels of our nation’s economy are grounded and we need to oil it to move in tandem with our peers on the continent.
I am coming with a positive change. It requires a lot of planning and time. It takes money. I don’t have all and I would need your kind support financially to prepare ahead of the 2011 presidential elections in DR Congo. Please note that each of your donations will be used to assist and educate Congolese to make the right choice at election time. Your financial contribution will enable us to travel to different regions of the DRC. Be part of a worthy cause that would be an ideal springboard for true social justice!
You can give your donations through our website: www.cchangeiscoming.org God bless DR Congo, Africa and the rest of the world.
Keep it clean and civil.:bash::bash:
Thanks,
Mulopwe
Keep it civil, how do you keep it civil when you are questioning the man's origin? What is he a maritian to you? The guy is building his retirement home right between Lubumbashi and Kasumbalesa, not mars. So lets keep it civil by not flinging false accusations.Keep it clean and civil.
Thanks,
Mulopwe
The basic fact is there is no magical solution to congo problems and i dont think that all these kabila opposants would have done better than him.kabila is surrounded by congoleses and not tutsis .should we conclude that all these congoleses have kagame as pay master?Anyway,the congoleses will have their say and good luck to the winner!
MBUJI MAYI :lol::lolPRD has a place in Kasai
PRD has a place in KasaiI always tell a friend of mine who is from mbuji mayi that people must start moving from diamonds to agriculture.There are enough fertile lands in kasai for people to live off.Good news by the way!MBUJI MAYI :lol::lol
Thats what i have been saiying, they better be looking at what Katanga is doing. They need to use the Miba revenue to get agriculture going.
In fact every province must have the agriculture as the number 1 industry. Mechanization, large commercial farming and family or individual farming of 50-100 hectares of land.
Otherwise we will never get to anything.
In fact every province must have the agriculture as the number 1 industry. Mechanization, large commercial farming and family or individual farming of 50-100 hectares of land.
Otherwise we will never get to anything.
Kabila cannot win if 2011 election is free and credible. To support my arguments; bellow is an interesting analysis by Jean Paul.
My favorite candidate is Vital or Oscar.
Mulopwe
French to English translation
More than three years after "the election of Joseph Kabila as head of the DRC, and nearly a year before the presidential elections, the results of government action is illegible. What happened to the five work sites candidates promised by Kabila after his election? Which have been opened? How political choices they have impacted the lives of the Congolese? Where are we in the democratic system that the 2006 elections were supposed to achieve?
All Congolese and the international community are asking these questions because the DRC has experienced in 2006 deadlines that have been led to believe, rightly or wrongly, that a page in the history of this great nation in the heart of Africa turned and a new, beautiful and promising opening. The international community has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to support the process described as an unprecedented effort, the Congolese people mobilized as had never before done by. The general election yet enameled serious violence has been described as "historic" because the country was emerging from a decade of bloody conflict. Their organization at any cost has taken precedence over all other considerations. He had to stop the cycle of violence that had already killed millions of Congolese, and put in power a regime with electoral legitimacy.
The semblance of change inspired by the electoral context even obliterated any substantive discussion throughout the pre-electoral and electoral.
However, in a modern world where insurance has become the bedrock of the system of social protection against risks, it was reasonable to declare these elections without assurance that not only the election results are respected, but also that the winners would guarantee the application of rules and instruments involved in the learning of a democratic society? The analysis of the choices made since the presidential, which we present in the trivial expression "seven deadly sins" can decrypt the current state of the country and the prospects for 2006.
1st sin: Appointment of the Prime Minister's office Gizenga, a loss of precious time
Far be it from us to question the political agreement that brought the nomination of Joseph Kabila in the second round of presidential elections, no doubt the personal human qualities of the Patriarch Antoine Gizenga, it was obvious to see that his appointment and the composition of his government were inadequate to meet the enormous challenge of democratization and reconstruction of a country emerging from 35 years of dictatorship and a decade of deadly conflict. Those who have questioned the weight of years of the Premier, in a role that requires self-sacrifice, were treated every name in the media and complacent patronage. 21 months later, the person himself who agreed with them, explaining that "For every man, even if the mind can still be healthy and alert, the physical body has its limits which should be taken account.
Taking this into account from the outset would have saved the country 21 months of deadlock that could not allow himself because the country needed to be moved immediately by leaders capable of bearing high stakes view. The very composition of the government Gizenga wore her own contradictions and weaknesses: the prime minister was flanked by a Minister who was playing in somewhat the role of prime minister Bis. The plethora of government intended to thank the supporters of Kabila has not allowed a total mobilization for achieving the "five sites" also remained in "freezing" until the start of Gizenga government. Joseph Kabila himself, noting this inertia in May 2009, had publicly questioned in an interview with Colette BRAECKMAN "if it really ten or fifteen skilled people to help rebuild the country."
The appointment of a Prime Minister "fatigued by the weight of age" and moreover it was still not a deliberate choice to leave the center of decisions toward the presidency?
Still, the new leaders did not register immediately in search of solutions for saving the country left battered by war. The unit served at a political takeover of all the levers of power by one camp and the sociopolitical system of locking a clan politico-military. The second sin is confirmed.
2nd sin: The institutionalization of post-electoral fraud by political corruption
Once all the results of national elections have been proclaimed and in the establishment of institutions from those maturing in 2006, the presidential party immediately began to graft what he could not win through the ballot box . Thus, in defiance of all democratic norms, ethical and professional standards, candidates PPRD beaten by the verdict of the polls found themselves at the head of the opposition gained provinces: Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, Kasai two , and later Ecuador. These shifts demonstrate the psychological state of the current leaders whose only motivation is power, money and glory that goes with it. The fate of the population, its needs and its willingness to go second. Naturally, these leaders as "illegitimate", used public money to bribe their opponents and started the service system rather than their administration who have refused their confidence in the polls.
This sin is one of the features because it has completely destroyed some democratic achievements and consensus that existed during the transition from 2003 to 2006. These factors had led to the coexistence of entities formerly opposed by arms, and laid some foundations for diversity in the management of Res Publica. In an admittedly difficult context, the media had different allegiance was formed and expressed, politicians did not share the same views had been directing all state institutions. The institutionalization of political corruption was finally abolished all hope of diversity in the political landscape based on the violent repression of any challenge.
3rd Sin: The violent repression and systematic political dissent
The election period was marked by unusually intense violence in the capital city of Kinshasa. Some have imagined that after the results declared, the new leaders are striving to reconcile the country and also get to listen to those who did not vote for them and do not share their political offer .
Unfortunately, instead of "the wisdom of African leader," violence has been systematically used to suppress impulsive and any hint of protest. Dramatic in the West than in the eastern part of the country, suggesting that repression is used by the new leaders to punish those who have "voted wrongly". In Kinshasa against the military in the custody of former Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba, and in Bas-Congo and Kinshasa against supporters of Bundu Dia Kongo equator and cons of the Patriots resistant Dongo, the government used disproportionate and unprecedented violence cases without the civilian population. Unlike the methods of conflict resolution used in the eastern part of the country involving negotiations with rebel movements, has left no chance for dialogue or peace in the West. Crush the enemy was the only concern of the government does not hesitate to use heavy weapons in the city in contempt of human lives.
This combined with the previous sin, that is to say, political corruption, eventually removing all hope of building a democratic society based on ongoing dialogue, respect for diverse opinions, and the desire of work for the welfare of the principal what the people. This frustration creates a danger unsuspected by those in power: the radicalization of the instincts inherent in people martyred and desperate. More than arms, this type of frustration has been the driving force of revolution having broken in certain countries. The majority of Congolese are convinced that whatever their choice at the ballot box, the fraudsters have the means to circumvent their votes and gain power. Suddenly, the violence used by the protestors became the eyes of many as legitimate as that used by the government. We are back fifteen years ago.
4th sin: Agreements Sino-Congolese end of the agreement with the international community
Contrary to the Congolese government claims, financial arrangements related to the establishment of the Sino-Congolese are designed to enrich advantage of intermediaries to equip the country. No country in the world has never been built or rebuilt by foreign financial flows. Even the famous Marshall Plan is often cited and praised because of its contribution to the recovery of Europe after WW2 has benefited the countries that had strong socio-economic fabric, well-educated population and good classes Mean (France, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Great Britain, Luxembourg, ...).
Rebuilding the'investissement and consumption sustained population has been central to economic recovery during the boom period (1945-1974). But for countries with opaque political institutions, social structure unsound and undemocratic and less educated populations, such as Portugal, Turkey or Greece, the Marshall Plan has been hijacked by corrupt leaders and has not served to substantially revitalize the economy.
All countries, without exception, who had managed to develop complete control over their natural resources and have the means to exploit the benefit of their economies and their people. The Sino-Congolese agreements, by their terms disproportionately disadvantageous to the DRC, part of a process of predatory and deprivation out of the blue of Congo's natural riches began a few years earlier.
These contracts have a double negative effect because they also mark the beginning of a major fissure between Kinshasa and a part of the international community. Many countries had supported the candidate Kabila, pushed by their multinational companies or for financial and economic interests in the DRC. The arrival of Chinese has been perceived by many of these countries as treason pure and simple. They then carried through their financial arms, the World Bank and IMF, pressures and blackmail "friendly" for the cancellation or radically revise the contracts referred to.
For the first time, the question of "legitimacy" of power in the DR Congo and political change is discussed in diplomatic circles with international personalities and Congolese politicians of all stripes. Channels like the UN, EU, IMF and World Bank are used to hear the bad mood of former allies in Kinshasa. The result of these agreements, which will eventually be greatly sweetened by revisions that have occurred under the pressure of IMF and World Bank, is now very mixed.
5th Sin: "The invitation" of the Rwandan army, Congolese contempt memory
When 21 January 2009, the international media announced the entry of thousands of Rwandan troops in Kivu, many Congolese were first grown at a tasteless joke. Neither the majority of government or senior officers of the army or politicians of high rank had been kept informed of this project. Although MONUC has not been associated with this initiative, however, it will then be requested to transport Congolese soldiers forced to join in a macabre game with an army of aggression that killed millions of Congolese few years earlier. The wonder aloud, then "President" of the National Assembly, Vital Kamer, cost him his seat. Some members of the government surprised, as spokesman of the government, Lambert Mende, spoke of some intelligence officers in Rwanda where there were several thousand fighters. This likely reflects the unlikelihood of this operation which could qu'heurter the right direction because it was considered an nth aggression.
Aime Cesaire said "a people without memory is a people without a future." But the Congolese recent memory is marked by 5 million deaths caused by wars of aggression carried notably by Rwandan soldiers on behalf of the interests shameful. The wounds opened by the barbarities committed against civilians (rape, massacres, acts of cruelty, pillage, collective humiliation, ...) are still fresh and unhealed. How can one dare call criminals at the scene of their heinous acts without spitting on the memory of the Congolese victims? And if the game was worth it, why the president did not he solemnly addressed the nation to explain the underlying reasons for its choice as the Constitution requires him?
Given the mixed results of this operation, the Congolese would wonder forever.
6th Sin: The revocation of Kamer-man band of the victory of Kabila
The Congolese have been direct witnesses of trap that is publicly fallen Vital KAMER, which summarizes more than any sophisticated understanding of the current governance in the DRC. While the Constitution of the Third Republic clearly delineates the contours of the powers of state institutions, all decision-making is concentrated in the presidency of the republic. The actors in other republican institutions are participants in a game where the rules applied are not those previously defined.
In a normal state, the invitation of several thousands of foreign troops on national soil has been the subject of discussions at the highest summit of the State between the people's elected representatives and leaders of major political institutions: Presidency, Senate, National Assembly, staff of the army, intelligence agencies. And in a democratic system where power belongs to the people and exercised on his behalf, the Head of State had sent a solemn message to the entire nation. Sections 143 to 145 of the Constitution of the 3rd Republic also provide these obligations. The reaction KAMER coincides with the exact moment when he discovered with a simplicity worthy of a beginner, the contradiction between the rules and political facts. Even he, the third personality of the country had been neither informed nor consulted ...
His eviction is an internal settling of accounts PPRD is nevertheless a cardinal sin for Kabila because KAMER was not only President of the National Assembly who dared defy his authority. He is the founder and PPRD-man band of the strategy that brought Joseph Kabila to power. He was instrumental in bringing Joseph Kabila and Antoine Gizenga Mobutu and before, in rallying many personalities formerly Mobutists. His views appear to be neutral to the head of the Assembly showed a semblance of political balance between the institutions. They were actually designed to muddy the waters and better serve the interests of Joseph Kabila. KAMER was one of the few who did not behave exclusively as a courtier and dared to say certain truths "Rais". His eviction and replacement by a faithful, once banned and then reinstated in the graces of the chief, has not helped to calm the political climate or in the presidential camp nor in the country.
KAMER knows how Kabila won the elections. Does he keep silent forever or will it end up talking about? Will he candidate against his former mentor in 2011? Time will tell.
7th sin: A tribal army and subservient to the detriment of a national army and Republican
Since the political agreements of Sun City in 2002 between political movements and political-military Congolese rebuilding a national army, republican and patriotic was constantly on the agenda. One would think that the recurrent failures of the armed forces loyal to rebel against since 1996 lead the new government to activate priority to rebuild a real army. The card read Congolese military, chains of command and methods of administration and appointment in the army cruelly show that we are very far from the organization of a professional army, equipped, and combative able to perform its noble mission of national defense. The commanders of regions and major military units were then directly to the Head of State and not the staff, itself reduced to a symbolic role.
A significant fraction of the army is made up of former rebel soldiers converted without being subjected to a traditional military training. Accustomed to obedience to a leader and not an ideal, they were not educated in ethics, duty and obligations of a military vis-à-vis the nation, authorities and especially civilians. Equipment and grants from the army and the deployment of troops on land are often determined using opaque and arbitrary, based on inappropriate criteria.
Despite military cooperation with Belgium, France, Israel and the United States, which has facilitated the training of military police battalions integrated, lack of political will at the top to put all the means necessary for the reconstruction of a real army exposes the country to a permanent risk of destabilization. The mix of old forces to form the backbone of future real Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) is not completed. The government continually discards on the forces of the United Nations Mission (MONUC) when the army is unable to ensure the safety of civilians. However, the protection of civilians and their property falls under national sovereignty.
All the sins listed above have relegated the social concerns of the population in the last row of the concerns of the Congolese leaders. Despite some ongoing tasks, all social classes (teachers, civil servants, judges, students, doctors, ...) are heavily affected by crises multifaceted and grunt climb across the country. The Congolese authorities are tempted by other deadly sins: gerrymandering of the Constitution (an extension of presidential term, deleting number of presidential terms, ...), uncontrolled privatization of public enterprises, postponement of local elections, ...
What will be the true record of the quinquennium of Joseph Kabila to convince the Congolese voters in 2011?
Jean-Paul Mopo Kobanda ([email protected] This email address is protected against spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it.)
Doctor in Law from the Sorbonne
Analyst and researcher in Geopolitics
More than three years after "the election of Joseph Kabila as head of the DRC, and nearly a year before the presidential elections, the results of government action is illegible. What happened to the five major candidates promised by Kabila after his election? Which have been opened? How political choices they have impacted the lives of the Congolese? Where are we in the democratic system that the 2006 elections were supposed to achieve?
All Congolese and the international community are asking these questions because the DRC has experienced in 2006 deadlines that have been led to believe, rightly or wrongly, that a page in the history of this great nation in the heart of Africa turned and a new, beautiful and promising opening. The international community has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to support the process described as an unprecedented effort, the Congolese people mobilized as had never before done by. The general election yet enameled serious violence has been described as "historic" because the country was emerging from a decade of bloody conflict. Their organization at any cost has taken precedence over all other considerations. He had to stop the cycle of violence that had already killed millions of Congolese, and put in power a regime with electoral legitimacy.
The semblance of change inspired by the electoral context even obliterated any substantive discussion throughout the pre-electoral and electoral.
However, in a modern world where insurance has become the bedrock of the system of social protection against risks, it was reasonable to declare these elections without assurance that not only the election results are respected, but also that the winners would guarantee the application of rules and instruments involved in the learning of a democratic society? The analysis of the choices made since the presidential, which we present in the trivial expression "seven deadly sins" can decrypt the current state of the country and the prospects for 2006.
1st sin: Appointment of the Prime Minister's office Gizenga, a loss of precious time
Far be it from us to question the political agreement that brought the nomination of Joseph Kabila in the second round of presidential elections, no doubt the personal human qualities of the Patriarch Antoine Gizenga, it was obvious to see that his appointment and the composition of his government were inadequate to meet the enormous challenge of democratization and reconstruction of a country emerging from 35 years of dictatorship and a decade of deadly conflict. Those who have questioned the weight of years of the Premier, in a role that requires self-sacrifice, were treated every name in the media and complacent patronage. 21 months later, the person himself who agreed with them, explaining that "For every man, even if the mind can still be healthy and alert, the physical body has its limits which should be taken account.
Taking this into account from the outset would have saved the country 21 months of deadlock that could not allow himself because the country needed to be moved immediately by leaders capable of bearing high stakes view. The very composition of the government Gizenga wore her own contradictions and weaknesses: the prime minister was flanked by a Minister who was playing in somewhat the role of prime minister Bis. The plethora of government intended to thank the supporters of Kabila has not allowed a total mobilization for achieving the "five sites" also remained in "freezing" until the start of Gizenga government. Joseph Kabila himself, noting this inertia in May 2009, had publicly questioned in an interview with Colette BRAECKMAN "if it really ten or fifteen skilled people to help rebuild the country."
The appointment of a Prime Minister "fatigued by the weight of age" and moreover it was still not a deliberate choice to leave the center of decisions toward the presidency?
Still, the new leaders did not register immediately in search of solutions for saving the country left battered by war. The unit served at a political takeover of all the levers of power by one camp and the sociopolitical system of locking a clan politico-military. The second sin is confirmed.
2nd sin: The institutionalization of post-electoral fraud by political corruption
Once all the results of national elections have been proclaimed and in the establishment of institutions from those maturing in 2006, the presidential party immediately began to graft what he could not win through the ballot box . Thus, in defiance of all democratic norms, ethical and professional standards, candidates PPRD beaten by the verdict of the polls found themselves at the head of the opposition gained provinces: Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, Kasai two , and later Ecuador. These shifts demonstrate the psychological state of the current leaders whose only motivation is power, money and glory that goes with it. The fate of the population, its needs and its willingness to go second. Naturally, these leaders as "illegitimate", used public money to bribe their opponents and started the service system rather than their administration who have refused their confidence in the polls.
This sin is one of the features because it has completely destroyed some democratic achievements and consensus that existed during the transition from 2003 to 2006. These factors had led to the coexistence of entities formerly opposed by arms, and laid some foundations for diversity in the management of Res Publica. In an admittedly difficult context, the media had different allegiance was formed and expressed, politicians did not share the same views had been directing all state institutions. The institutionalization of political corruption was finally abolished all hope of diversity in the political landscape based on the violent repression of any challenge.
3rd Sin: The violent repression and systematic political dissent
The election period was marked by unusually intense violence in the capital city of Kinshasa. Some have imagined that after the results declared, the new leaders are striving to reconcile the country and also get to listen to those who did not vote for them and do not share their political offer .
Unfortunately, instead of "the wisdom of African leader," violence has been systematically used to suppress impulsive and any hint of protest. Dramatic in the West than in the eastern part of the country, suggesting that repression is used by the new leaders to punish those who have "voted wrongly". In Kinshasa against the military in the custody of former Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba, and in Bas-Congo and Kinshasa against supporters of Bundu Dia Kongo equator and cons of the Patriots resistant Dongo, the government used disproportionate and unprecedented violence cases without the civilian population. Unlike the methods of conflict resolution used in the eastern part of the country involving negotiations with rebel movements, has left no chance for dialogue or peace in the West. Crush the enemy was the only concern of the government does not hesitate to use heavy weapons in the city in contempt of human lives.
This combined with the previous sin, that is to say, political corruption, eventually removing all hope of building a democratic society based on ongoing dialogue, respect for diverse opinions, and the desire of work for the welfare of the principal what the people. This frustration creates a danger unsuspected by those in power: the radicalization of the instincts inherent in people martyred and desperate. More than arms, this type of frustration has been the driving force of revolution having broken in certain countries. The majority of Congolese are convinced that whatever their choice at the ballot box, the fraudsters have the means to circumvent their votes and gain power. Suddenly, the violence used by the protestors became the eyes of many as legitimate as that used by the government. We are back fifteen years ago.
4th sin: Agreements Sino-Congolese end of the agreement with the international community
Contrary to the Congolese government claims, financial arrangements related to the establishment of the Sino-Congolese are designed to enrich advantage of intermediaries to equip the country. No country in the world has never been built or rebuilt by foreign financial flows. Even the famous Marshall Plan is often cited and praised because of its contribution to the recovery of Europe after WW2 has benefited the countries that had strong socio-economic fabric, well-educated population and good classes Mean (France, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Great Britain, Luxembourg, ...).
Rebuilding the'investissement and consumption sustained population has been central to economic recovery during the boom period (1945-1974). But for countries with opaque political institutions, social structure unsound and undemocratic and less educated populations, such as Portugal, Turkey or Greece, the Marshall Plan has been hijacked by corrupt leaders and has not served to substantially revitalize the economy.
All countries, without exception, who had managed to develop complete control over their natural resources and have the means to exploit the benefit of their economies and their people. The Sino-Congolese agreements, by their terms disproportionately disadvantageous to the DRC, part of a process of predatory and deprivation out of the blue of Congo's natural riches began a few years earlier.
These contracts have a double negative effect because they also mark the beginning of a major fissure between Kinshasa and a part of the international community. Many countries had supported the candidate Kabila, pushed by their multinational companies or for financial and economic interests in the DRC. The arrival of Chinese has been perceived by many of these countries as treason pure and simple. They then carried through their financial arms, the World Bank and IMF, pressures and blackmail "friendly" for the cancellation or radically revise the contracts referred to.
For the first time, the question of "legitimacy" of power in the DR Congo and political change is discussed in diplomatic circles with international personalities and Congolese politicians of all stripes. Channels like the UN, EU, IMF and World Bank are used to hear the bad mood of former allies in Kinshasa. The result of these agreements, which will eventually be greatly sweetened by revisions that have occurred under the pressure of IMF and World Bank, is now very mixed.
5th Sin: "The invitation" of the Rwandan army, Congolese contempt memory
When 21 January 2009, the international media announced the entry of thousands of Rwandan troops in Kivu, many Congolese were first grown at a tasteless joke. Neither the majority of government or senior officers of the army or politicians of high rank had been kept informed of this project. Although MONUC has not been associated with this initiative, however, it will then be requested to transport Congolese soldiers forced to join in a macabre game with an army of aggression that killed millions of Congolese few years earlier. The wonder aloud, then "President" of the National Assembly, Vital Kamer, cost him his seat. Some members of the government surprised, as spokesman of the government, Lambert Mende, spoke of some intelligence officers in Rwanda where there were several thousand fighters. This likely reflects the unlikelihood of this operation which could qu'heurter the right direction because it was considered an nth aggression.
Aime Cesaire said "a people without memory is a people without a future." But the Congolese recent memory is marked by 5 million deaths caused by wars of aggression carried notably by Rwandan soldiers on behalf of the interests shameful. The wounds opened by the barbarities committed against civilians (rape, massacres, acts of cruelty, pillage, collective humiliation, ...) are still fresh and unhealed. How can one dare call criminals at the scene of their heinous acts without spitting on the memory of the Congolese victims? And if the game was worth it, why the president did not he solemnly addressed the nation to explain the underlying reasons for its choice as the Constitution requires him?
Given the mixed results of this operation, the Congolese would wonder forever.
6th Sin: The revocation of Kamer-man band of the victory of Kabila
The Congolese have been direct witnesses of trap that is publicly fallen Vital KAMER, which summarizes more than any sophisticated understanding of the current governance in the DRC. While the Constitution of the Third Republic clearly delineates the contours of the powers of state institutions, all decision-making is concentrated in the presidency of the republic. The actors in other republican institutions are participants in a game where the rules applied are not those previously defined.
In a normal state, the invitation of several thousands of foreign troops on national soil has been the subject of discussions at the highest summit of the State between the people's elected representatives and leaders of major political institutions: Presidency, Senate, National Assembly, staff of the army, intelligence agencies. And in a democratic system where power belongs to the people and exercised on his behalf, the Head of State had sent a solemn message to the entire nation. Sections 143 to 145 of the Constitution of the 3rd Republic also provide these obligations. The reaction KAMER coincides with the exact moment when he discovered with a simplicity worthy of a beginner, the contradiction between the rules and political facts. Even he, the third personality of the country had been neither informed nor consulted ...
His eviction is an internal settling of accounts PPRD is nevertheless a cardinal sin for Kabila because KAMER was not only President of the National Assembly who dared defy his authority. He is the founder and PPRD-man band of the strategy that brought Joseph Kabila to power. He was instrumental in bringing Joseph Kabila and Antoine Gizenga Mobutu and before, in rallying many personalities formerly Mobutists. His views appear to be neutral to the head of the Assembly showed a semblance of political balance between the institutions. They were actually designed to muddy the waters and better serve the interests of Joseph Kabila. KAMER was one of the few who did not behave exclusively as a courtier and dared to say certain truths "Rais". His eviction and replacement by a faithful, once banned and then reinstated in the graces of the chief, has not helped to calm the political climate or in the presidential camp nor in the country.
KAMER knows how Kabila won the elections. Does he keep silent forever or will it end up talking about? Will he candidate against his former mentor in 2011? Time will tell.
7th sin: a tribal army and subservient to the detriment of a national army and Republican
Since the political agreements of Sun City in 2002 between political movements and political-military Congolese rebuilding a national army, republican and patriotic was constantly on the agenda. One would think that the recurrent failures of the armed forces loyal to rebel against since 1996 lead the new government to activate priority to rebuild a real army. The card read Congolese military, chains of command and methods of administration and appointment in the army cruelly show that we are very far from the organization of a professional army, equipped, and combative able to perform its noble mission of national defense. The commanders of regions and major military units were then directly to the Head of State and not the staff, itself reduced to a symbolic role.
A significant fraction of the army is made up of former rebel soldiers converted without being subjected to a traditional military training. Accustomed to obedience to a leader and not an ideal, they were not educated in ethics, duty and obligations of a military vis-à-vis the nation, authorities and especially civilians. Equipment and grants from the army and the deployment of troops on land are often determined using opaque and arbitrary, based on inappropriate criteria.
Despite military cooperation with Belgium, France, Israel and the United States, which has facilitated the training of military police battalions integrated, lack of political will at the top to put all the means necessary for the reconstruction of a real army exposes the country to a permanent risk of destabilization. The mix of old forces to form the backbone of future real Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) is not completed. The government continually discards on the forces of the United Nations Mission (MONUC) when the army is unable to ensure the safety of civilians. However, the protection of civilians and their property falls under national sovereignty.
All the sins listed above have relegated the social concerns of the population in the last row of the concerns of the Congolese leaders. Despite some ongoing tasks, all social classes (teachers, civil servants, judges, students, doctors, ...) are heavily affected by crises multifaceted and grunt climb across the country. The Congolese authorities are tempted by other deadly sins: gerrymandering of the Constitution (an extension of presidential term, deleting number of presidential terms, ...), uncontrolled privatization of public enterprises, postponement of local elections, ...
What will be the true record of the quinquennium of Joseph Kabila to convince the Congolese voters in 2011?
Jean-Paul Mopo Kobanda ([email protected] This email address is protected against spam robots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it.)
Doctor in Law from the Sorbonne
Analyst and researcher in Geopolitics
My favorite candidate is Vital or Oscar.
Mulopwe
French to English translation
More than three years after "the election of Joseph Kabila as head of the DRC, and nearly a year before the presidential elections, the results of government action is illegible. What happened to the five work sites candidates promised by Kabila after his election? Which have been opened? How political choices they have impacted the lives of the Congolese? Where are we in the democratic system that the 2006 elections were supposed to achieve?
All Congolese and the international community are asking these questions because the DRC has experienced in 2006 deadlines that have been led to believe, rightly or wrongly, that a page in the history of this great nation in the heart of Africa turned and a new, beautiful and promising opening. The international community has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to support the process described as an unprecedented effort, the Congolese people mobilized as had never before done by. The general election yet enameled serious violence has been described as "historic" because the country was emerging from a decade of bloody conflict. Their organization at any cost has taken precedence over all other considerations. He had to stop the cycle of violence that had already killed millions of Congolese, and put in power a regime with electoral legitimacy.
The semblance of change inspired by the electoral context even obliterated any substantive discussion throughout the pre-electoral and electoral.
However, in a modern world where insurance has become the bedrock of the system of social protection against risks, it was reasonable to declare these elections without assurance that not only the election results are respected, but also that the winners would guarantee the application of rules and instruments involved in the learning of a democratic society? The analysis of the choices made since the presidential, which we present in the trivial expression "seven deadly sins" can decrypt the current state of the country and the prospects for 2006.
1st sin: Appointment of the Prime Minister's office Gizenga, a loss of precious time
Far be it from us to question the political agreement that brought the nomination of Joseph Kabila in the second round of presidential elections, no doubt the personal human qualities of the Patriarch Antoine Gizenga, it was obvious to see that his appointment and the composition of his government were inadequate to meet the enormous challenge of democratization and reconstruction of a country emerging from 35 years of dictatorship and a decade of deadly conflict. Those who have questioned the weight of years of the Premier, in a role that requires self-sacrifice, were treated every name in the media and complacent patronage. 21 months later, the person himself who agreed with them, explaining that "For every man, even if the mind can still be healthy and alert, the physical body has its limits which should be taken account.
Taking this into account from the outset would have saved the country 21 months of deadlock that could not allow himself because the country needed to be moved immediately by leaders capable of bearing high stakes view. The very composition of the government Gizenga wore her own contradictions and weaknesses: the prime minister was flanked by a Minister who was playing in somewhat the role of prime minister Bis. The plethora of government intended to thank the supporters of Kabila has not allowed a total mobilization for achieving the "five sites" also remained in "freezing" until the start of Gizenga government. Joseph Kabila himself, noting this inertia in May 2009, had publicly questioned in an interview with Colette BRAECKMAN "if it really ten or fifteen skilled people to help rebuild the country."
The appointment of a Prime Minister "fatigued by the weight of age" and moreover it was still not a deliberate choice to leave the center of decisions toward the presidency?
Still, the new leaders did not register immediately in search of solutions for saving the country left battered by war. The unit served at a political takeover of all the levers of power by one camp and the sociopolitical system of locking a clan politico-military. The second sin is confirmed.
2nd sin: The institutionalization of post-electoral fraud by political corruption
Once all the results of national elections have been proclaimed and in the establishment of institutions from those maturing in 2006, the presidential party immediately began to graft what he could not win through the ballot box . Thus, in defiance of all democratic norms, ethical and professional standards, candidates PPRD beaten by the verdict of the polls found themselves at the head of the opposition gained provinces: Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, Kasai two , and later Ecuador. These shifts demonstrate the psychological state of the current leaders whose only motivation is power, money and glory that goes with it. The fate of the population, its needs and its willingness to go second. Naturally, these leaders as "illegitimate", used public money to bribe their opponents and started the service system rather than their administration who have refused their confidence in the polls.
This sin is one of the features because it has completely destroyed some democratic achievements and consensus that existed during the transition from 2003 to 2006. These factors had led to the coexistence of entities formerly opposed by arms, and laid some foundations for diversity in the management of Res Publica. In an admittedly difficult context, the media had different allegiance was formed and expressed, politicians did not share the same views had been directing all state institutions. The institutionalization of political corruption was finally abolished all hope of diversity in the political landscape based on the violent repression of any challenge.
3rd Sin: The violent repression and systematic political dissent
The election period was marked by unusually intense violence in the capital city of Kinshasa. Some have imagined that after the results declared, the new leaders are striving to reconcile the country and also get to listen to those who did not vote for them and do not share their political offer .
Unfortunately, instead of "the wisdom of African leader," violence has been systematically used to suppress impulsive and any hint of protest. Dramatic in the West than in the eastern part of the country, suggesting that repression is used by the new leaders to punish those who have "voted wrongly". In Kinshasa against the military in the custody of former Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba, and in Bas-Congo and Kinshasa against supporters of Bundu Dia Kongo equator and cons of the Patriots resistant Dongo, the government used disproportionate and unprecedented violence cases without the civilian population. Unlike the methods of conflict resolution used in the eastern part of the country involving negotiations with rebel movements, has left no chance for dialogue or peace in the West. Crush the enemy was the only concern of the government does not hesitate to use heavy weapons in the city in contempt of human lives.
This combined with the previous sin, that is to say, political corruption, eventually removing all hope of building a democratic society based on ongoing dialogue, respect for diverse opinions, and the desire of work for the welfare of the principal what the people. This frustration creates a danger unsuspected by those in power: the radicalization of the instincts inherent in people martyred and desperate. More than arms, this type of frustration has been the driving force of revolution having broken in certain countries. The majority of Congolese are convinced that whatever their choice at the ballot box, the fraudsters have the means to circumvent their votes and gain power. Suddenly, the violence used by the protestors became the eyes of many as legitimate as that used by the government. We are back fifteen years ago.
4th sin: Agreements Sino-Congolese end of the agreement with the international community
Contrary to the Congolese government claims, financial arrangements related to the establishment of the Sino-Congolese are designed to enrich advantage of intermediaries to equip the country. No country in the world has never been built or rebuilt by foreign financial flows. Even the famous Marshall Plan is often cited and praised because of its contribution to the recovery of Europe after WW2 has benefited the countries that had strong socio-economic fabric, well-educated population and good classes Mean (France, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Great Britain, Luxembourg, ...).
Rebuilding the'investissement and consumption sustained population has been central to economic recovery during the boom period (1945-1974). But for countries with opaque political institutions, social structure unsound and undemocratic and less educated populations, such as Portugal, Turkey or Greece, the Marshall Plan has been hijacked by corrupt leaders and has not served to substantially revitalize the economy.
All countries, without exception, who had managed to develop complete control over their natural resources and have the means to exploit the benefit of their economies and their people. The Sino-Congolese agreements, by their terms disproportionately disadvantageous to the DRC, part of a process of predatory and deprivation out of the blue of Congo's natural riches began a few years earlier.
These contracts have a double negative effect because they also mark the beginning of a major fissure between Kinshasa and a part of the international community. Many countries had supported the candidate Kabila, pushed by their multinational companies or for financial and economic interests in the DRC. The arrival of Chinese has been perceived by many of these countries as treason pure and simple. They then carried through their financial arms, the World Bank and IMF, pressures and blackmail "friendly" for the cancellation or radically revise the contracts referred to.
For the first time, the question of "legitimacy" of power in the DR Congo and political change is discussed in diplomatic circles with international personalities and Congolese politicians of all stripes. Channels like the UN, EU, IMF and World Bank are used to hear the bad mood of former allies in Kinshasa. The result of these agreements, which will eventually be greatly sweetened by revisions that have occurred under the pressure of IMF and World Bank, is now very mixed.
5th Sin: "The invitation" of the Rwandan army, Congolese contempt memory
When 21 January 2009, the international media announced the entry of thousands of Rwandan troops in Kivu, many Congolese were first grown at a tasteless joke. Neither the majority of government or senior officers of the army or politicians of high rank had been kept informed of this project. Although MONUC has not been associated with this initiative, however, it will then be requested to transport Congolese soldiers forced to join in a macabre game with an army of aggression that killed millions of Congolese few years earlier. The wonder aloud, then "President" of the National Assembly, Vital Kamer, cost him his seat. Some members of the government surprised, as spokesman of the government, Lambert Mende, spoke of some intelligence officers in Rwanda where there were several thousand fighters. This likely reflects the unlikelihood of this operation which could qu'heurter the right direction because it was considered an nth aggression.
Aime Cesaire said "a people without memory is a people without a future." But the Congolese recent memory is marked by 5 million deaths caused by wars of aggression carried notably by Rwandan soldiers on behalf of the interests shameful. The wounds opened by the barbarities committed against civilians (rape, massacres, acts of cruelty, pillage, collective humiliation, ...) are still fresh and unhealed. How can one dare call criminals at the scene of their heinous acts without spitting on the memory of the Congolese victims? And if the game was worth it, why the president did not he solemnly addressed the nation to explain the underlying reasons for its choice as the Constitution requires him?
Given the mixed results of this operation, the Congolese would wonder forever.
6th Sin: The revocation of Kamer-man band of the victory of Kabila
The Congolese have been direct witnesses of trap that is publicly fallen Vital KAMER, which summarizes more than any sophisticated understanding of the current governance in the DRC. While the Constitution of the Third Republic clearly delineates the contours of the powers of state institutions, all decision-making is concentrated in the presidency of the republic. The actors in other republican institutions are participants in a game where the rules applied are not those previously defined.
In a normal state, the invitation of several thousands of foreign troops on national soil has been the subject of discussions at the highest summit of the State between the people's elected representatives and leaders of major political institutions: Presidency, Senate, National Assembly, staff of the army, intelligence agencies. And in a democratic system where power belongs to the people and exercised on his behalf, the Head of State had sent a solemn message to the entire nation. Sections 143 to 145 of the Constitution of the 3rd Republic also provide these obligations. The reaction KAMER coincides with the exact moment when he discovered with a simplicity worthy of a beginner, the contradiction between the rules and political facts. Even he, the third personality of the country had been neither informed nor consulted ...
His eviction is an internal settling of accounts PPRD is nevertheless a cardinal sin for Kabila because KAMER was not only President of the National Assembly who dared defy his authority. He is the founder and PPRD-man band of the strategy that brought Joseph Kabila to power. He was instrumental in bringing Joseph Kabila and Antoine Gizenga Mobutu and before, in rallying many personalities formerly Mobutists. His views appear to be neutral to the head of the Assembly showed a semblance of political balance between the institutions. They were actually designed to muddy the waters and better serve the interests of Joseph Kabila. KAMER was one of the few who did not behave exclusively as a courtier and dared to say certain truths "Rais". His eviction and replacement by a faithful, once banned and then reinstated in the graces of the chief, has not helped to calm the political climate or in the presidential camp nor in the country.
KAMER knows how Kabila won the elections. Does he keep silent forever or will it end up talking about? Will he candidate against his former mentor in 2011? Time will tell.
7th sin: A tribal army and subservient to the detriment of a national army and Republican
Since the political agreements of Sun City in 2002 between political movements and political-military Congolese rebuilding a national army, republican and patriotic was constantly on the agenda. One would think that the recurrent failures of the armed forces loyal to rebel against since 1996 lead the new government to activate priority to rebuild a real army. The card read Congolese military, chains of command and methods of administration and appointment in the army cruelly show that we are very far from the organization of a professional army, equipped, and combative able to perform its noble mission of national defense. The commanders of regions and major military units were then directly to the Head of State and not the staff, itself reduced to a symbolic role.
A significant fraction of the army is made up of former rebel soldiers converted without being subjected to a traditional military training. Accustomed to obedience to a leader and not an ideal, they were not educated in ethics, duty and obligations of a military vis-à-vis the nation, authorities and especially civilians. Equipment and grants from the army and the deployment of troops on land are often determined using opaque and arbitrary, based on inappropriate criteria.
Despite military cooperation with Belgium, France, Israel and the United States, which has facilitated the training of military police battalions integrated, lack of political will at the top to put all the means necessary for the reconstruction of a real army exposes the country to a permanent risk of destabilization. The mix of old forces to form the backbone of future real Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) is not completed. The government continually discards on the forces of the United Nations Mission (MONUC) when the army is unable to ensure the safety of civilians. However, the protection of civilians and their property falls under national sovereignty.
All the sins listed above have relegated the social concerns of the population in the last row of the concerns of the Congolese leaders. Despite some ongoing tasks, all social classes (teachers, civil servants, judges, students, doctors, ...) are heavily affected by crises multifaceted and grunt climb across the country. The Congolese authorities are tempted by other deadly sins: gerrymandering of the Constitution (an extension of presidential term, deleting number of presidential terms, ...), uncontrolled privatization of public enterprises, postponement of local elections, ...
What will be the true record of the quinquennium of Joseph Kabila to convince the Congolese voters in 2011?
Jean-Paul Mopo Kobanda ([email protected] This email address is protected against spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it.)
Doctor in Law from the Sorbonne
Analyst and researcher in Geopolitics
More than three years after "the election of Joseph Kabila as head of the DRC, and nearly a year before the presidential elections, the results of government action is illegible. What happened to the five major candidates promised by Kabila after his election? Which have been opened? How political choices they have impacted the lives of the Congolese? Where are we in the democratic system that the 2006 elections were supposed to achieve?
All Congolese and the international community are asking these questions because the DRC has experienced in 2006 deadlines that have been led to believe, rightly or wrongly, that a page in the history of this great nation in the heart of Africa turned and a new, beautiful and promising opening. The international community has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to support the process described as an unprecedented effort, the Congolese people mobilized as had never before done by. The general election yet enameled serious violence has been described as "historic" because the country was emerging from a decade of bloody conflict. Their organization at any cost has taken precedence over all other considerations. He had to stop the cycle of violence that had already killed millions of Congolese, and put in power a regime with electoral legitimacy.
The semblance of change inspired by the electoral context even obliterated any substantive discussion throughout the pre-electoral and electoral.
However, in a modern world where insurance has become the bedrock of the system of social protection against risks, it was reasonable to declare these elections without assurance that not only the election results are respected, but also that the winners would guarantee the application of rules and instruments involved in the learning of a democratic society? The analysis of the choices made since the presidential, which we present in the trivial expression "seven deadly sins" can decrypt the current state of the country and the prospects for 2006.
1st sin: Appointment of the Prime Minister's office Gizenga, a loss of precious time
Far be it from us to question the political agreement that brought the nomination of Joseph Kabila in the second round of presidential elections, no doubt the personal human qualities of the Patriarch Antoine Gizenga, it was obvious to see that his appointment and the composition of his government were inadequate to meet the enormous challenge of democratization and reconstruction of a country emerging from 35 years of dictatorship and a decade of deadly conflict. Those who have questioned the weight of years of the Premier, in a role that requires self-sacrifice, were treated every name in the media and complacent patronage. 21 months later, the person himself who agreed with them, explaining that "For every man, even if the mind can still be healthy and alert, the physical body has its limits which should be taken account.
Taking this into account from the outset would have saved the country 21 months of deadlock that could not allow himself because the country needed to be moved immediately by leaders capable of bearing high stakes view. The very composition of the government Gizenga wore her own contradictions and weaknesses: the prime minister was flanked by a Minister who was playing in somewhat the role of prime minister Bis. The plethora of government intended to thank the supporters of Kabila has not allowed a total mobilization for achieving the "five sites" also remained in "freezing" until the start of Gizenga government. Joseph Kabila himself, noting this inertia in May 2009, had publicly questioned in an interview with Colette BRAECKMAN "if it really ten or fifteen skilled people to help rebuild the country."
The appointment of a Prime Minister "fatigued by the weight of age" and moreover it was still not a deliberate choice to leave the center of decisions toward the presidency?
Still, the new leaders did not register immediately in search of solutions for saving the country left battered by war. The unit served at a political takeover of all the levers of power by one camp and the sociopolitical system of locking a clan politico-military. The second sin is confirmed.
2nd sin: The institutionalization of post-electoral fraud by political corruption
Once all the results of national elections have been proclaimed and in the establishment of institutions from those maturing in 2006, the presidential party immediately began to graft what he could not win through the ballot box . Thus, in defiance of all democratic norms, ethical and professional standards, candidates PPRD beaten by the verdict of the polls found themselves at the head of the opposition gained provinces: Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, Kasai two , and later Ecuador. These shifts demonstrate the psychological state of the current leaders whose only motivation is power, money and glory that goes with it. The fate of the population, its needs and its willingness to go second. Naturally, these leaders as "illegitimate", used public money to bribe their opponents and started the service system rather than their administration who have refused their confidence in the polls.
This sin is one of the features because it has completely destroyed some democratic achievements and consensus that existed during the transition from 2003 to 2006. These factors had led to the coexistence of entities formerly opposed by arms, and laid some foundations for diversity in the management of Res Publica. In an admittedly difficult context, the media had different allegiance was formed and expressed, politicians did not share the same views had been directing all state institutions. The institutionalization of political corruption was finally abolished all hope of diversity in the political landscape based on the violent repression of any challenge.
3rd Sin: The violent repression and systematic political dissent
The election period was marked by unusually intense violence in the capital city of Kinshasa. Some have imagined that after the results declared, the new leaders are striving to reconcile the country and also get to listen to those who did not vote for them and do not share their political offer .
Unfortunately, instead of "the wisdom of African leader," violence has been systematically used to suppress impulsive and any hint of protest. Dramatic in the West than in the eastern part of the country, suggesting that repression is used by the new leaders to punish those who have "voted wrongly". In Kinshasa against the military in the custody of former Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba, and in Bas-Congo and Kinshasa against supporters of Bundu Dia Kongo equator and cons of the Patriots resistant Dongo, the government used disproportionate and unprecedented violence cases without the civilian population. Unlike the methods of conflict resolution used in the eastern part of the country involving negotiations with rebel movements, has left no chance for dialogue or peace in the West. Crush the enemy was the only concern of the government does not hesitate to use heavy weapons in the city in contempt of human lives.
This combined with the previous sin, that is to say, political corruption, eventually removing all hope of building a democratic society based on ongoing dialogue, respect for diverse opinions, and the desire of work for the welfare of the principal what the people. This frustration creates a danger unsuspected by those in power: the radicalization of the instincts inherent in people martyred and desperate. More than arms, this type of frustration has been the driving force of revolution having broken in certain countries. The majority of Congolese are convinced that whatever their choice at the ballot box, the fraudsters have the means to circumvent their votes and gain power. Suddenly, the violence used by the protestors became the eyes of many as legitimate as that used by the government. We are back fifteen years ago.
4th sin: Agreements Sino-Congolese end of the agreement with the international community
Contrary to the Congolese government claims, financial arrangements related to the establishment of the Sino-Congolese are designed to enrich advantage of intermediaries to equip the country. No country in the world has never been built or rebuilt by foreign financial flows. Even the famous Marshall Plan is often cited and praised because of its contribution to the recovery of Europe after WW2 has benefited the countries that had strong socio-economic fabric, well-educated population and good classes Mean (France, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Great Britain, Luxembourg, ...).
Rebuilding the'investissement and consumption sustained population has been central to economic recovery during the boom period (1945-1974). But for countries with opaque political institutions, social structure unsound and undemocratic and less educated populations, such as Portugal, Turkey or Greece, the Marshall Plan has been hijacked by corrupt leaders and has not served to substantially revitalize the economy.
All countries, without exception, who had managed to develop complete control over their natural resources and have the means to exploit the benefit of their economies and their people. The Sino-Congolese agreements, by their terms disproportionately disadvantageous to the DRC, part of a process of predatory and deprivation out of the blue of Congo's natural riches began a few years earlier.
These contracts have a double negative effect because they also mark the beginning of a major fissure between Kinshasa and a part of the international community. Many countries had supported the candidate Kabila, pushed by their multinational companies or for financial and economic interests in the DRC. The arrival of Chinese has been perceived by many of these countries as treason pure and simple. They then carried through their financial arms, the World Bank and IMF, pressures and blackmail "friendly" for the cancellation or radically revise the contracts referred to.
For the first time, the question of "legitimacy" of power in the DR Congo and political change is discussed in diplomatic circles with international personalities and Congolese politicians of all stripes. Channels like the UN, EU, IMF and World Bank are used to hear the bad mood of former allies in Kinshasa. The result of these agreements, which will eventually be greatly sweetened by revisions that have occurred under the pressure of IMF and World Bank, is now very mixed.
5th Sin: "The invitation" of the Rwandan army, Congolese contempt memory
When 21 January 2009, the international media announced the entry of thousands of Rwandan troops in Kivu, many Congolese were first grown at a tasteless joke. Neither the majority of government or senior officers of the army or politicians of high rank had been kept informed of this project. Although MONUC has not been associated with this initiative, however, it will then be requested to transport Congolese soldiers forced to join in a macabre game with an army of aggression that killed millions of Congolese few years earlier. The wonder aloud, then "President" of the National Assembly, Vital Kamer, cost him his seat. Some members of the government surprised, as spokesman of the government, Lambert Mende, spoke of some intelligence officers in Rwanda where there were several thousand fighters. This likely reflects the unlikelihood of this operation which could qu'heurter the right direction because it was considered an nth aggression.
Aime Cesaire said "a people without memory is a people without a future." But the Congolese recent memory is marked by 5 million deaths caused by wars of aggression carried notably by Rwandan soldiers on behalf of the interests shameful. The wounds opened by the barbarities committed against civilians (rape, massacres, acts of cruelty, pillage, collective humiliation, ...) are still fresh and unhealed. How can one dare call criminals at the scene of their heinous acts without spitting on the memory of the Congolese victims? And if the game was worth it, why the president did not he solemnly addressed the nation to explain the underlying reasons for its choice as the Constitution requires him?
Given the mixed results of this operation, the Congolese would wonder forever.
6th Sin: The revocation of Kamer-man band of the victory of Kabila
The Congolese have been direct witnesses of trap that is publicly fallen Vital KAMER, which summarizes more than any sophisticated understanding of the current governance in the DRC. While the Constitution of the Third Republic clearly delineates the contours of the powers of state institutions, all decision-making is concentrated in the presidency of the republic. The actors in other republican institutions are participants in a game where the rules applied are not those previously defined.
In a normal state, the invitation of several thousands of foreign troops on national soil has been the subject of discussions at the highest summit of the State between the people's elected representatives and leaders of major political institutions: Presidency, Senate, National Assembly, staff of the army, intelligence agencies. And in a democratic system where power belongs to the people and exercised on his behalf, the Head of State had sent a solemn message to the entire nation. Sections 143 to 145 of the Constitution of the 3rd Republic also provide these obligations. The reaction KAMER coincides with the exact moment when he discovered with a simplicity worthy of a beginner, the contradiction between the rules and political facts. Even he, the third personality of the country had been neither informed nor consulted ...
His eviction is an internal settling of accounts PPRD is nevertheless a cardinal sin for Kabila because KAMER was not only President of the National Assembly who dared defy his authority. He is the founder and PPRD-man band of the strategy that brought Joseph Kabila to power. He was instrumental in bringing Joseph Kabila and Antoine Gizenga Mobutu and before, in rallying many personalities formerly Mobutists. His views appear to be neutral to the head of the Assembly showed a semblance of political balance between the institutions. They were actually designed to muddy the waters and better serve the interests of Joseph Kabila. KAMER was one of the few who did not behave exclusively as a courtier and dared to say certain truths "Rais". His eviction and replacement by a faithful, once banned and then reinstated in the graces of the chief, has not helped to calm the political climate or in the presidential camp nor in the country.
KAMER knows how Kabila won the elections. Does he keep silent forever or will it end up talking about? Will he candidate against his former mentor in 2011? Time will tell.
7th sin: a tribal army and subservient to the detriment of a national army and Republican
Since the political agreements of Sun City in 2002 between political movements and political-military Congolese rebuilding a national army, republican and patriotic was constantly on the agenda. One would think that the recurrent failures of the armed forces loyal to rebel against since 1996 lead the new government to activate priority to rebuild a real army. The card read Congolese military, chains of command and methods of administration and appointment in the army cruelly show that we are very far from the organization of a professional army, equipped, and combative able to perform its noble mission of national defense. The commanders of regions and major military units were then directly to the Head of State and not the staff, itself reduced to a symbolic role.
A significant fraction of the army is made up of former rebel soldiers converted without being subjected to a traditional military training. Accustomed to obedience to a leader and not an ideal, they were not educated in ethics, duty and obligations of a military vis-à-vis the nation, authorities and especially civilians. Equipment and grants from the army and the deployment of troops on land are often determined using opaque and arbitrary, based on inappropriate criteria.
Despite military cooperation with Belgium, France, Israel and the United States, which has facilitated the training of military police battalions integrated, lack of political will at the top to put all the means necessary for the reconstruction of a real army exposes the country to a permanent risk of destabilization. The mix of old forces to form the backbone of future real Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) is not completed. The government continually discards on the forces of the United Nations Mission (MONUC) when the army is unable to ensure the safety of civilians. However, the protection of civilians and their property falls under national sovereignty.
All the sins listed above have relegated the social concerns of the population in the last row of the concerns of the Congolese leaders. Despite some ongoing tasks, all social classes (teachers, civil servants, judges, students, doctors, ...) are heavily affected by crises multifaceted and grunt climb across the country. The Congolese authorities are tempted by other deadly sins: gerrymandering of the Constitution (an extension of presidential term, deleting number of presidential terms, ...), uncontrolled privatization of public enterprises, postponement of local elections, ...
What will be the true record of the quinquennium of Joseph Kabila to convince the Congolese voters in 2011?
Jean-Paul Mopo Kobanda ([email protected] This email address is protected against spam robots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it.)
Doctor in Law from the Sorbonne
Analyst and researcher in Geopolitics
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